Paper short abstract:

Cet article étudie les limites de la sécuritisation du Sahel.Ensuite, nous étudierons l'émergence de pratiques de lutte contre les extrémistes violents qui ont attiseront plus de conflits intercommunautaires. Enfin, nous nous interrogerons sur les possibles scénarii de dé-sécuritisation du Sahel.

Paper long abstract:

Le Sahel s'inscrit aujourd'hui dans le mouvement de la géopolitique de la terreur. La région est caractérisée par des épisodes de violences récurrentes malgré plusieurs années de présence militaire étrangère. En ce sens, la sécuritisation du Sahel n'a pas pu engendrer plus de sécurité dans la région. Depuis 2013, de nouveaux espaces d'anomies émergent au Mali, au Burkina Faso et dans le sud-ouest du Niger. Ce contexte sahélien extrêmement sécuritisé a omis la sécurité humaine dans la région au profit de plus de militarisation et d'interventionnisme étranger. Dans cet article, nous étudierons dans un premier temps, les limites de la sécuritisation du Sahel post Barkhane. Ensuite, nous expliquerons comment l'insécurité dominante dans certains espaces sahéliens a engendré l'émergence de pratiques de lutte contre les extrémistes violents qui attiseront plus de conflits intercommunautaires comme le Cas des Volontaires pour la défense (VDP) au Burkina Faso. Enfin, nous nous interrogerons sur les possibles scénarii de dé-sécuritisation du Sahel afin de faire émerger une nouvelle ère orientée en fonction des priorités et des besoins de la sécurité humaine.

Mots-clés : Sahel, Sécuritisation, dé-sécuritisation, sécurité humaine, VDP, Barkhane

Paper short abstract:

Burkina, Mali and Niger have responded differently to their security crises, from near collapse to counterinsurgency. Why? We seek answers in their process of state formation, state-territory relations, and the connections between politics in the capital and in the rest of the country.

Paper long abstract:

Since the overthrow of Muammar Qaddafi in Libya in 2011, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have experienced an expanding security crisis. Each country has faced increasing threat from regionally based insurgent jihadist groups, which have pushed out of peripheral territories into more central, core areas. Despite these similarities, their responses have varied significantly. What accounts for this divergence? To answer this question, we probe into the foundations and political economies of these three states. After providing an analysis of their military, political, institutional and economic responses to the threat, we focus on their process of state formation (particularly on the nature of their implicit social contract), in the relations between the states and their territories (particularly in terms of revenues derived from natural resources), and in the manner in which politics in the capital amplifies or deflates politics in the rest of the country.

Paper short abstract:

How does smuggling affect the production of violence in the Sahelian conflict? I examine the different smuggling practices that armed groups engage in, and how they affect the violence perpetrated following four trends: strategic repertoire, frequency, target selection, and spatial displacement.

Paper long abstract:

How does smuggling affect the production of violence in conflict? We see smuggling happening at any time and yet, in wartime, it is associated with different conflict dynamics and outcomes in different places. After exploring what leads Violent Political Organizations (VPOs) operating in the Sahel to engage in certain smuggling practices, I examine how these interactions affect the violence perpetrated in the conflict following four trends: strategic repertoire, frequency, target selection, and spatial displacement. This project focuses on the ongoing conflict in the Sahel, specifically on VPOs operating in Mali and its borders with Algeria, Burkina Faso, Libya, and Niger. Looking at VPOs' internal social norms, I first establish their engagement with smuggling, ranging from contestation to collaborative practices. In cases like the Sahel, illegal markets branch out which increases the expected benefits from smuggling activity and is favorable to armed groups who may neither fight nor ally with one another. Then, I unpack the crime-violence nexus that led many scholars, analysts, and policymakers to describe smuggling as a security threat, both regionally and globally. There is very little evidence about whether smuggling directly generates or stabilizes violence in a conflict, such as transforming it into a high- or low-intensity conflict. This project relies on online content analysis, process tracing of the conflict and of illicit trade, social network analysis, and interviews with military officials, migrants, and bureaucrats. The collected data will be combined with existing data available on public academic databases such as ACLED, UCDP, IOM, and UNHCR.

Paper short abstract:

The paper explores the role of illicit economies in the negotiation of (in)security governance and peace processes in Mali, and how external actors’ (e.g. EU, France, UN) counter-crime agendas played into them–taking into account today’s shifting power tectonics and their role in future-making.

Paper long abstract:

This paper explores how various external/international actors’ (e.g. EU, France, UN) counter-crime efforts in Mali have influenced local (in)security dynamics and strategies of governance, and especially how they have supported or undermined local peace processes. Fighting transnational organized crime, a priority for Western-led interventions in Mali and the Sahel, is based on the assumptions that illicit economies fuel conflict, violence and instability, and that fighting organized crime will lead to more peace, security and stability. However, these assumptions have been questioned by empirical research on Mali and Niger. Studies have emphasized the life-saving and developmental effects of illicit cross-border smuggling economies for local communities, which may be disrupted through external actors’ counter-crime and border security efforts. Moreover, illicit economies have played a role in a variety of local actors’ strategies of rule and have been a bargaining chip in negotiations of security governance: sometimes fueling conflict among armed groups, other times producing stabilizing and pacifying effects. Based on fieldwork in Mali in 2017 and 2023, this paper explores how the international counter-crime agenda influenced the negotiation and implementation of the 2015 peace agreement between the Malian government and Tuareg rebels, as well as other, often bottom-up and spontaneous, peace initiatives. Mali is currently at a cross-roads with the shifting of external partners which have consequences for both (in)security dynamics and peace processes, and the paper discusses these shifts and their possible implications for future-making based on interviews with a variety of actors in Mali.

Paper short abstract:

The paper aims to study the perception of security among populations living in 6 regions of Mali and Niger. It will discuss their adaptation techniques to insecurities, their relations to national and international security actors and the discrepancies that can be observed in those shifting contexts

Paper long abstract:

Based on our perceptions studies conducted since 2021 in Mali and Niger, this proposal aims to present the population's main expectations regarding security and relations with the national armed forces (Army, National Guard, Police and Gendarmerie).

With insight from Mopti, Timbuktu and Gao regions in Mali and Tillabéri, Tahoua and Maradi regions in Niger, we will discuss the population’s daily change of habits to curtail the evolving insecurities they are facing that relate to both armed violence and socioeconomic distress. We will see how in the areas studied, daily insecurity crosses the geographical, gender, age and social categories to become an object of global concern.

We will also discuss the high levels of trust expressed toward the forces and their meanings in yet degrading security environments. We will try to understand how the national security forces remain, in the individuals’ eyes, the most legitimate actor in an entanglement of armed actors.

Finally, we will refer to the local perceptions of international actors (MINUSMA, G5 Sahel, former Barkhane operation) to assess the discrepancies experienced between the local reception of their presence and the ongoing political and strategic discussions around their mandates.

Our data is based on a bi-annual sampling of around 800 individuals and journals from the field collected by local research teams.

Paper short abstract:

A travers une approche ethnographique, je décrirai les récits des souffrances de certaines femmes maliennes et burkinabè liés aux groupes armés. J'analyserai leur courage, leur rôle et les stratégies pour y faire face dans un contexte d’insécurités, où elles-mêmes sont vulnérables.

Paper long abstract:

Bintou Koné

University of Bayreuth

Binettakone@gmail.com

Abstract

Les souffrances, qu’elles soient inaudibles, invisibles ou visibles marquent le quotidien des femmes vivant dans des localités qui subissent des attaques armées. Malgré le contexte sécuritaire difficile, les femmes restent marginalisées voir exclues dans la lutte contre les insécurités, notamment en milieu rural. Au Burkina Faso et au Mali, elles sont la preuve vivante des victimes directes ou collatérales des groupes armés (djihadistes, terroristes, groupes d’auto-défenses. Leur point commun, ce sont les souffrances liées à la présence des groupes armés. Certaines femmes souffrent en silence, car elles ne voient pas d’autres alternatives. D’autres femmes décident, à bout de force, d’exprimer publiquement leur douleur quand les exactions deviennent extrêmes. A partir d’une approche ethnographique basée sur l’analyse des récits des souffrances de femmes, je cherche à comprendre comment malgré les souffrances causées par les groupes armées, les femmes arrivent à aller de l’avant en faisant face à leurs nouvelles conditions de vie dans un contexte de peur. Dans mon intervention, j’analyserai les récits des souffrances de certaines femmes, avant d’aborder leur courage et leurs stratégies mises en place pour y faire face individuellement ou collectivement. En même temps, je parlerai du rôle de la femme en tant que garante de la continuité d’une famille dans un contexte d’insécurités, où elles-mêmes sont vulnérables. Tout cela m’amènera à accorder un accent particulier sur trois concepts : peur, souffrance et courage afin de montrer l’articulation entre ces trois concepts à travers une analyse anthropologique.

Paper short abstract:

We examine two different aspects of citizens’ uses of social media in Mali: an online heritage discourse often used to mediate veiled critique of the political present, and the proliferation of fake news, much of it in support of the current political situation.

Paper long abstract:

We examine two different aspects of citizens’ uses of social media in Mali: an online heritage discourse, often used to mediate veiled critique of the political present and weave alternative political projects; and the proliferation of fake news, much of it in support of the current political situation and the realignment of international alliances.

De Jorio focuses on a select number of Facebook accounts dedicated to the preservation and valorization of Mali’s cultural heritage. She argues that the reimagining of the past—and the selection of specific aspects to be remembered- is key to Malian citizens’ search for political venues out of (or around) the current political and security crisis. The cultural domain has often mediated the expression of political criticism and facilitated searches for political alternatives, particularly during Mali’s recurring autocratic phases and the related contraction of spaces for public debate. While seemingly focusing on matters of culture, such Facebook accounts promote the return to a reimagined past characterized by interethnic cohabitation, exchanges, and peace.

Savané focuses on the proliferation of fake news and the creation of fake accounts that have contributed to the deterioration of relations between Mali and some of its long-standing international partners. The arrival of the Wagner militia from Russia seems to have intensified this wave of fake news and strengthened the alliance between Mali and Russia. Savané will analyze these new dynamics that are developing at the heart of what has been called “rectification of the transition.”

Paper long abstract:

Résumé

Depuis une dizaine d’années, les réseaux sociaux ont envahi le quotidien des maliens. Ils ont entrainé un changement des rapports sociaux si l’on en juge par l’ampleur de leur contenu qui font sens auprès de l’opinion. Si les différentes formes de communication sur les réseaux sociaux varient de la sociabilité comme pour le cas de WhatsApp ou à l’accès rapide à l’information sur Facebook, en revanche, il est loisible de constater que ces espaces numériques sont devenus à la fois des enjeux politiques et géostratégiques. Il y a aujourd’hui une reconfiguration de l’espace public au Mali tant le poids des réseaux sociaux sur l’opinion est grand. On assiste à un basculement de l’espace public vers les réseaux sociaux. Il s’agit dans les pages qui suivent de faire un focus sur la mobilisation des réseaux sociaux dans le contexte de transition militaire en cours au Mali. La démarche consiste à saisir l’influence des activistes et d’autres figures des réseaux sociaux sur l’opinion ainsi que leur poids dans la mobilisation dans une période de crise entre les autorités militaires de la transition, la classe politiques et la communauté internationale. L’objectif de ce papier est donc d’appréhender le rôle des activistes dans la légitimation du pouvoir militaire en cours au Mali. Comment les réseaux sociaux façonnent-ils l’imaginaire de l’opinion publique. Comment sont-elles apparues ? Quel est leur mode opératoire ? Quel est leur rapport avec la transition militaire ? Quels liens ont-ils avec les puissances extérieures ?

Paper short abstract:

The paper portrays and discusses the varied responses civilian populations offer when confronted with jihadist presence in Central Mali and the Tillaberi region of Niger, using insights from the rebel governance literature. It draws on dozens of interviews conducted between June and September 2022

Paper long abstract:

Jihadist groups operating in the Sahel are putting immense pressure on rural communities, as part of their attempts to carve out territorial and political influence. The insurgents' strategies vary depending on their ideological affiliation and the local social and political landscape they navigate. Similarly, the reactions of communities to the presence and injunctions of jihadists vary. They result in more or less stable patterns of interactions, ranging from violent resistance to jihadists (through the formation of self-defence militias) to compliance with the jihadist authority. Which pathways lead to these alternative outcomes is the main object of study of this paper, which draws on the analytical insights from the rebel governance literature. Based on dozens of interviews carried out in the Cercle de Djenné (Mali) and the Tillaberi region (Niger) between June and September 2022 as part of a project financed by the British Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, our contribution documents these pathways empirically and explores the circumstances leading to armed resistance to the jihadist presence or to the elaboration of a proto-social contract between civilians and insurgents - known in Mali as "survival pacts". Eventually, the paper offers insights into the relative credibility of jihadists as local rulers and administrators of the distribution of local resources and into the forms of agency that civilians can manifest when confronted with armed actors.

Paper short abstract:

Le syndicat intercommunal Benso a été créé dans le cadre de la décentralisation pour soutenir le développement de deux communes au centre du Mali. Cependant, ses activités sont perturbées par l'insécurité qui se traduit par des affrontements entre les chasseurs et les groupes armés.

Paper long abstract:

Le processus de décentralisation au Mali s'est caractérisé par la création de micro-territoires. Cette situation d'émiettement du territoire a eu comme corollaire, une faiblesse structurelle qui limite les capacités d'intervention des communes face à des projets d'envergure pour le développement local. Ainsi, le Mali a mis en place des instruments juridiques permettant des regroupements et des synergies entre plusieurs collectivités territoriales. C'est dans ce contexte qu'est né le syndicat intercommunal Benso entre les communes Diabaly et de Dogofry. Son objectif est de promouvoir le développement local à travers le réinvestissement des revenus fonciers dans les secteurs prioritaires de développement. Cependant, depuis plusieurs années, les activités de cette organisation sont perturbées par la crise sécuritaire. Cette communication vise à montrer les effets de la crise sécuritaire sur le fonctionnement de Benso. L'approche méthodologique a été basée sur l'exploitation littérature grise et la réalisation d'une dizaine entretiens. Ces entretiens ont concerné les différents acteurs de la décentralisation, notamment les conseils communaux, les responsables des services techniques, les responsables et animateurs d'ONG, les associations et les organisations paysannes. Nous avons constaté que l'intercommunalité Benso est paralysée. Les initiatives de redynamisation enclenchées par le nouveau Conseil communal élu en 2017 n'ont pas abouti. L'insécurité qui règne se traduit par des affrontements sporadiques entre chasseurs (donso) et les groupes armés terroristes. La paralysie actuelle de Benso a des implications sur le processus de développement local et compromet l'avenir des deux communes.

Paper short abstract:

This paper has 2 objectives: firstly, it maps the often conflicting EU's discourses on the Sahel, to understand how they shape EU's policymaking on agricultural development and peace. Secondly, it maps the main EU stakeholders influencing and negotiating agriculture and peace policies for the Sahel.

Paper long abstract:

Issues of policy incoherence are considered a technical issue that can be resolved with adequate design, yet it remains a wicked problem that is far from being solved. This paper focuses on the competing discourses and intricate relations of EU's stakeholders negotiating policies for agricultural development and peace in the Sahel. Most importantly, it shows how these conflicting discourses and relations lead to (in)coherent policies.

The study will take a keen look at the issue of policy (in)coherence between two objectives that are intertwined in practice though separate at policy-making level: agricultural development and peace/security. The reason for choosing these two development objectives is that while peace/security is considered to be a political objective and process (particularly in militarized contexts), the objective on agricultural development is generally regarded as more neutral. In practice however, there is evidence that food security and access to land are strictly intertwined with peace and security issues. Therefore, the discourses around these two objectives are divergent, heightening the tensions in reconciling the objectives in coherent policies. Moreover, the high level of politicisation of policies for the Sahel makes agricultural and peace policies highly sensitive.

This study focuses on EU policymaking for the Sahel. The EU is, globally, the biggest donor; and is one of the main proponents of the Agenda 2030, which include objectives on agricultural development (SDG2 & SDG15) and peace (SDG16). The timespan of the study will not precede 2015, when the Agenda 2030 was launched.