Paper long abstract:

The Central Asian countries were escalating conflicts among themselves because of unreasonable water distribution, competition between irrigation and energy use, and other water resources issues. This problem affects the relations between Central Asian countries and endangers the regional security situation. Although every countries were devoting themselves to solving water resources problems since independence. Many efforts have been made, such as the bilateral or multilateral agreements and the regional water resources management agencies. However, these water resources management systems have not achieved the expected results. Water resources distributional problems are still important factors that affect the development of the central Asian country and the stability of the region. However, the tensions in these problems can be resolved only through coordination among regional nations. Therefore, cooperation is the only and the most effective way to solve the water problems in Central Asia. To ensure effective long-term cooperation, we must establish a corresponding international system.

This article believes that the main dilemma faced by Central Asia countries in water resources is the lack of effectiveness of the water resources management system. Because of the lack of effectiveness, the water resources management system can't guarantee the long-term cooperation in the use of Cross-border water resources. It also can't ensure the countries fulfill their corresponding obligations. This makes the water resources management system unable to function properly, and water resources problems cannot be solved. Based on public literature, this paper analyzes the effectiveness of the water resources management system in Central Asia and makes the conclusion that its effectiveness is insufficient. I will analyze the factors which affected the effectiveness of the cross-border water resources management mechanism in Central Asia, and on this basis, I will suggest how to improve the cross border water resources management mechanism in Central Asia.

Paper long abstract:

Two of the most important countries in the world, and two of the most threatening to the U.S.-led international order, seem to be increasingly cooperating together - yet neither policymakers nor academics seem to understand the nature of the relationship. China and Russia coordinate on some policy, yet on the other hand seem to hedge each other regionally - especially in Central Asia. This paper contributes to discussions about the Sino-Russian relations in Central Asia by examining the dynamics between these two great powers within the largest regional organization, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). The paper, using novel elite-level interviews with individuals inside the organization, argues that while the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has allowed both China and Russia to push against the United States-led international order, it has also allowed China and Russia to limit each other's actions within Central Asia: that is, the SCO has allowed China and Russia to both balance against the United States and to hedge against each other's power in Central Asia. From a theoretical perspective, the implications of this paper contribute to our understanding of how rising states challenge a hegemon - but must also simultaneously compete against each other, and can often do both through a single mechanism. It also adds to the conversation about how balancing may be taking place against the United States. Empirically, the paper offers insights into how great power relations within the Shanghai Cooperation Organization affect the efficacy of the institution for smaller regional states, as well as new awareness of granular interactions between China and Russia.

Paper long abstract:

This article utilizes aviation data and networks in contemporary Central Asia to examine international relations between Central Asian countries. Turkmenistan has been regarded as a part of the Central Asia in the literature due to its historical identity, legacy of the Soviet Union and geographical proximity. Turkmenistan has avoided regional governance and integration and kept its distance from other Central Asian countries. However, Turkmenistan's recent participation in two Central Asian summits in 2018 sparked much anticipation in the media for more cooperation among Central Asian countries in upcoming years.

This article questions the possibility of new Central Asian cooperation initiatives including Turkmenistan. It argues that, despite the recent dramatic advances in regional cooperation in politics, the lack of integration with Turkmenistan will hinder a multilateral "5-stans" cooperation network. While it is clear that other four Central Asian countries have developed regional cooperation and integration since the failure of Central Asia Cooperation Organization (CACO), according to empirical data, Turkmenistan is still an outlier from other Central Asian countries. In addition, the article argues that Turkmenistan has a distinctively different pattern of international connectivity from those of other Central Asian countries. As a result, it concludes that without a sudden development of cooperation between Turkmenistan and other Central Asian countries, a new regional cooperation system is not likely to emerge, and the recent summits will only remain a political or rhetorical action such as Treaty of Central Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free-Zone (Treaty of Semipalatinsk).

This article is based on 2-year international flight GPS logs departing from Central Asian airports. Data will be analyzed through network analysis to illustrate a clear picture of the current interstate connections in the region.

*Keywords

Central Asia, regional cooperation, international relations, Turkmenistan, aviation network

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Paper long abstract:

Balancing and reducing the Inland-Coastal Inequality is a core task for China´s economic strategy for the coming years. The essential activities in lessening the imbalances of the China hinterland is to create supply routes independent of the current efficient coastal regions. The announcement of the "One Belt and One Road Initiative", (OBOR) in 2013 and further revisions of the strategy during the following years by the Chinese government is the result of this major socio-economic question. This economic distributions injustice of China regions lead to the most ambitious geopolitical and investment programme in Eurasia. This comprehensive economic, financial and infrastructural mega-project is divided into two different main routes. The so called "Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st-century Maritime Silk Road. To fulfil this striving strategic plan China might produce a masterpiece of diplomatic, geopolitical, financial and technical integrated options and solutions to its Eastern neighbours in the coming two decades.

Iran is acting as a key land bridge for the southern land route of the OBOR programme. This paper focuses on the different aspects of the Iranian part of the project. Especially on the technical aspects of concepts, the preparing and implementing within the Iranian territory of the New Silk Road, including the needed infrastructure for a stable transport network based on a modal split solution. Beside of the roles of different global players special cloud points are the main actors. I argue that China has to occur as a broad investment and strategic partner for the Islamic Republic of Iran in comparison to other partner countries. Full further benefits for an expected Iranian cooperation has to defined and offered. Furthermore the realistic economic challenges and prospects should be analyzed and balanced. This paper is based on published materials and statistical data.