Paper short abstract:

Paper de-bunks the myth of looking at Muslims as single, monolithic & homogenous group. It interrogates the ‘mainstream’ Muslim politics which reflects upper caste-driven symbolic/emotive/identity politics.It focuses on lived realities of Muslim communities and narratives of assertions from within.

Paper long abstract:

There has been an attempt to represent Muslims as a single, monolithic, homogenous group. These kinds of representations have been facing serious challenge in recent times due to the emergence of the perspective of understanding Muslim society from below/its margins. The paper de-bunks the myth of representing Muslims as homogenous. It interrogates the 'mainstream' Muslim politics which reflects upper caste-driven symbolic/emotive/identity politics.

The communal politics around the creation of Pakistan, and the idea of a homogeneous community overshadowed the caste discrimination. There is a need for democratic pluralistic refashioning of political communities to deal with hierarchies within Muslims. The paper focuses on lived realities of Muslim communities and narratives of assertions from within, thus promoting intersectional perspectives. It reflects on the processes that marginalize lower castes, and how it generates cultural and political consciousness in the margins. As asymmetrical hierarchical ordering, caste informs concentration of political and material power in the hands of upper caste Muslims. However, over the last decade, this has increasingly been challenged by assertions, growing consciousness, democratization and political mobilization of lower caste Muslims. It develops as counter-hegemonic force in Indian Muslim politics. Indeed, this assertion helps in turning procedural freedoms into substantive ones, this shift has been examined.

Paper interrogates the interlinkages between multiple majoritarianisms and role of lower castes within Muslim community. It maps and develops analytical framework for study of socio-cultural marginalization, physical segregation, economic/material deprivation, and symbolic subordination. Hence, experiential dimensions are central to understand the material conditions and dynamics of power.

Paper short abstract:

Conversion is not a onetime phenomenon, which could break the Hindu way of thinking in one go. It is a continuous process for creating new public spheres based on fraternity and equality, which is an essential feature of emancipation of selfhood.

Paper long abstract:

Religious conversions have attracted scholars to look into the religiosity and politics of conversion in very linear fashions. While ending ritual and hierarchical essence of religion and understanding spirituality as important part of masses, Ambedkar made religious [conversion] a political process for emancipating selfhood. But critics have found Buddhist conversion insignificant to challenge the larger Hindu fold, where converts keep practicing rituals of different kinds and not been able to transcend their sense of Hindu belonging in their practices. This paper is an attempt to contest such criticisms by highlighting Ambedkar's idea of conversion and theory of conversion at large, wherein sudden transformation in one's life world and psyche have never been desirable to the philosophy of conversion. Herein, conversion has a larger politics to create different public spheres in different sectors of life which were denied in Hindu life world. The day to day practice of converts must not be desirable to get a sudden break from the long possessed Hindu way of thinking. In fact, once done conversion is not an end in itself, but a continuous process in which changes are brought through generations whose measurement is desirable and essential through methodological innovations. Thus, this paper highlights micro level variables through ethnographic study to show how conversion is not a onetime phenomenon, but a continuous process for creating new public spheres based on fraternity and equality, which is an essential feature of emancipation of selfhood.

Paper short abstract:

This paper highlights in particular the case of Halalkhors (Sweepers/scavengers), their experiences, narratives of spatial segregation and social stigma in India. It interrogates the discursive categories of ‘excluded social groups’ and foregrounds intersectionalities and multiple hierarchies.

Paper long abstract:

The paper highlights the case of Halalkhors (Sweepers/scavengers), their experiences, narratives of spatial segregation and social stigma in India. It interrogates the discursive categories of ‘excluded social groups’ and foregrounds intersectionalities and multiple hierarchies. Drawing on the literature and secondary data, the paper seeks to examine socio-cultural moments that keep producing marginalities. The paper primarily focuses on the segregation processes, systematic exclusion and narratives of Halalkhor Muslim community i.e. Dalit Muslim community in India. It tries to conceptualize and theoretically understand the element of 'caste discrimination' among Muslims in India. Based on various official reports (GOI), available empirical research studies and through the writings of prominent scholars, sociologists, etc., the present paper studies the social stratification among Muslim community in India. Also, to show how discrimination based on the lines of 'caste' among Muslims exposes the very general conception of grouping all Muslims in single monolithic homogenous category. While taking into account the empirical data, it is evident that the Halalkhor is a completely excluded community within Muslims. This exclusion needs to be located in the background of the systematic physical segregation, economic/material deprivation, social degradation, cultural marginalization, symbolic subordination and targeted violence. Due to lack of research on untouchability among Muslims, there is no awareness about this category. Paper treats them as rights-bearing individuals. It examines the salience of local histories, lived realities and experiences in the formation of Muslim identities and politics; their assertions will further bring a shift from procedural freedom to substantive ones.

Paper short abstract:

This paper aims to probe that how far the struggle of adivasi women for the community rights over forest resources in forest areas has challenged the nature and functioning of State apparatus in these areas and what has been the role of a ‘progressive’ law i.e. Forest Rights Act, 2006 in their struggle?

Paper long abstract:

This paper aims to probe that how far the struggle of adivasi women for the community rights over forest resources in the Dudhwa National Park has challenged the nature and functioning of State apparatus in this area? What has been the role of a 'progressive' law i.e. FRA in their struggle for livelihood resources? Through the examination of their struggle for community resources this paper wants to propose that though adivasi women are facing many obstacles in their struggle, they have challenged the dominance of FD in this area and defied patriarchy in their families and society. In their continuous struggle they have faced many cases against them on the basis of Forest Act, 1927 and Wild Life (Protection) Act 1972, however, now they are using FRA to assert their rights over forest resources, which has led to the emergence of 'legalism form below' in forest areas.

Paper short abstract:

The paper examines the intersections and divergences in colonial and post colonial discourses with regard to women and children by interrogating the arguments made at when increasing in the age of consent was being debated.

Paper long abstract:

When the Indian Penal Code came into force in 1860, the age of consent to sexual intercourse was set at ten years of age. In 1891, the first contentious amendment was made, raising the age of consent to twelve. This was raised to fourteen and sixteen in 1925 and 1949 respectively. In 2012, it was raised once again to eighteen under the aegis of the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012.

The paper examines the manner in which the term 'age of consent' was understood in 1925 and 2012 by mapping the arguments which were made for and against the amendments. It also engages with other scholarship on the age of consent debates and analyses its findings. It argues that the manner in which age of consent is understood not only has important ramifications for those directly in conflict with the law but also serves as an interesting marker of the understandings of women and children's agency and sexuality. It does this by using perspectives gleaned from similar questions pertaining to issues of women's agency in the face of legal interventions and to show the intersections and divergences in colonial and post colonial discourses with regard to women and children.

Paper short abstract:

This paper argues that unions in the textile industry were simply ‘Fractured Labour Unions’. The formation of unions their activity, ideology and issues were closely linked with the caste identity

Paper long abstract:

The cotton mill industry occupies a unique position in India's economy, not only because it performs the useful functions of clothing the nation, but also because it had given the lead in laying the foundations of modern industrial economy in the country. Caste had played important role in the shaping of Mumbai labour movement. In the time of unrest the workers were conscious about class identity. The leader from the working class purposely tried to submerge the caste identity. They were united as being workers but in the peace time workers were conscious about their caste and gender identity. The class was deactivated in the peace time period. The peace time period was helped to working class people to perpetuate their own identity. Through their activities they were closely associated with their own caste and creed. Thus this paper argues that unions in the textile industry were simply 'Fractured Labour Unions'. The formation of unions their activity, ideology and issues were closely linked with the caste identity. It will also explore how class remained as Ephemeral Consciousness and Caste always dominant over the period of history of labour movement in Mumbai.The festivals and other activities among the workers had given space to the caste and gender disparity. The caste hierarchy was maintained in the all festivals. Thus this paper will try to locate caste and class with the history of labour movement in Mumbai. It will also try to find out confrontation between caste and class over this period.

Paper short abstract:

The gift of decoding the 'language' of the snake gods through ritual music, dance and pictographic art, was the duty of the Pulluvans, a marginalized group whose identity differed in the geographical regions of Kerala reflecting assertion and subjugation.

Paper long abstract:

The Indian social and cultural mindscape is a world wherein people, animals, animate and inanimate objects all contain an aura of sacrality. In the context of Kerala, the snake is not a mere reptile but holds a pride of place in many Nair and Namboodari tharawads (households). The serpentine domain exists parallel and independent to the 'mainstream' gods with their territorial contours and followers. They have their own sacred texts though oral in nature and their own sacred calendar. The Pulluvans were responsible for ritually purifying the living space of their social and economic superiors, invoking boons for children and general wellbeing of the tharawad. The consumers of the cultural exorcism were the dominant land owning castes. Though the Pulluvan community is spread across the entire state, their fortunes reflect different historical trajectories. The Christian missionaries were active in propagating education which enabled the Pulluvans to climb up the social ladder. The regions of north Kerala continued to be ruled by feudal fiefdoms and its attendant rituals which entrapped the Pulluvans in their hereditary occupations.