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Paper short abstract:

The paper attempts to unravel how the question of landlessness in the Indian state of Punjab is woven with the caste, the exploitative debt trap, and the socio-economic and political marginalization of disenfranchised Dalits.

Paper long abstract:

The phenomenon of social inequality in land ownership in the Indian state of Punjab is closely woven with the thread of caste where the majority of the farming landscape is monopolized by the dominant castes, mostly Jat Sikhs. Dalits - a historically marginalized community- constitute 32% of the total population of Punjab, however, despite their highest population in the agrarian state, they possess merely 3.6% of the agricultural land leading to their social and economic disenfranchisement (Agriculture Census, 2015-16). Due to the denial of land rights and the historic caste-based social exclusion, the majority of the Dalits in Punjab are forced to work as agricultural laborers in the fields of dominant landowners. The state of landlessness among Dalits makes their vulnerabilities even more fragile as they face the worst form of exploitation i.e., caste atrocities, sexual exploitation of Dalit women agricultural workers, indebtedness, and so on. Moreover, the ongoing land wars (Levien, 2013) and the deep feudal and casteist nexus operating between dominant Jatt landlords, political class, and the bureaucratic machinery, Dalits are not allowed to claim their right even over the 1/3rd of the village common land granted to them through Punjab village common lands act, 1961. Thus, drawing on the field narratives, I attempt to answer how the state of landlessness among Dalits led to their multi-layered marginalization in rural Punjab. Second, to problematize the vicious trap of indebtedness and caste apartheid and how they both further perpetuated the exploitation and indignity inflicted on Dalits in rural Punjab.

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Paper short abstract:

The research highlights growing pressures on public parks to increase private sector role and the ways it contributes to parks keeping and impact its publicness degree . This is part of a wider debate about the commercialization of public spaces driven by reduced government budgets.

Paper long abstract:

Due to the lack of public budget and neoliberal policies, urban parks are under pressure to be self-sufficient, and consequently under the pressure of the privatization associated with it. Much research argues that the increase of the private sector's role in parks threatens users’ access .The research highlights growing pressures on Cairo's public parks to be financially self-sufficient by increasing the private sector's role and its consequences, potentials, and challenges. Examining revenue use, green area impact, and publicness. This research sheds light on the dynamics between funding sources, social equity, and public spaces .According to the research findings, the majority of low-income individuals have been negatively affected by the park's increased privatization since they cannot afford the new high fees and consequently are unable to use the paid services. While middle and upper-class usage rises as they can afford it and since it gives them access to higher-quality services. The exclusion of low-income groups from the park brings attention to a serious issue with public park policy: the issue of the public good. Cairo's parks, undergoing commercialization, witness a shift towards exclusivity, limiting access to those who can afford it. This shift challenges the park agency's mission, diverting from a public-oriented service to a more privatized setting. The research concludes that while the private sector's increased role attracts funding and users from higher income brackets, it fundamentally undermines the essence of public spaces in Cairo. When the parks are reserved for the comfortably well-off, can they still be considered public?

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This article examines an example of accumulation by dispossession underway in the real-estate sector in urban Senegal using the example of Dougar in Diamniadio .

Paper long abstract:

The contemporary agrarian crises have taken many forms including accumulation by dispossession. In Senegal, the contradictions of the capitalist system in urban areas has widened the gap between demands for low and medium-priced housing and a disproportionate boom of luxury real estate. This article examines firstly an example of accumulation by dispossession underway in urban Senegal. Secondly, it critically examines the nature and dynamics of class struggles and resistance in the context of urbanization. Thirdly, this article demonstrates that these class dynamics do not happen in the vacuum, rather, they must be seen as a local manifestation driven by global neoliberal capitalism with the complicity of the local state.

The article uses the case study of Dougar, in the commune of Diamniadio outside Dakar, which has been the theatre of eviction from houses and fields they have occupied since 1944 by a real estate company for the construction of social housing. The real estate company was allocated the said lands by presidential decree. Dougar's case is not an isolated case in Urban Senegal. This article argues that this case is the manifestation of a process of state-led accumulation by dispossession of urban land (Harvey).

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Paper short abstract:

1978 Nigeria Land Use Act vested land authority in State governors, but after 43 years, objectives are unmet. In Southwest Nigeria, rural farming households face forceful dispossession, causing conflicts. Study recommends aligning with CFS-RAI guidelines and fair compensation for affected families.

Paper long abstract:

The 1978 Nigeria Land Use Act vested land ownership authority in the hands of State governors for the public interest. Despite 43 years since its enactment, the act's objectives remain unfulfilled. In Southwest Nigeria, rural farming households have faced forceful dispossession of their lands by the State government, leading to unresolved conflicts through both legal and peaceful channels. This study delves into the guiding principles of government land acquisition for agriculture and its impact on the livelihoods of rural farming households in Southwest Nigeria.

Primary data from 480 displaced rural farming households, whose lands were acquired by the government, were analysed. Respondents were chosen through a two-stage sampling process. Descriptive statistics were employed for data analysis. The findings indicated that the displacement prompted many farmers to seek alternative employment, moving away from relying solely on farming. Moreover, a significant disparity in income before and after forceful dispossession was observed.

The Likert five-point scale highlighted that the comprehensive approach to land acquisition and allocation, coupled with an inclusive engagement strategy involving all stakeholders, including affected communities and vulnerable groups, proved ineffective in Southwest Nigeria. Notably, 75% of respondents reported a substantial knowledge gap and lack of awareness regarding policy frameworks and procedures related to government agricultural land acquisition.

The study recommends that State governments adopt a comprehensive approach to land acquisition and allocation, aligning with the Committee on World Food Security-Responsible Agricultural Investment (CFS-RAI) guidelines. Additionally, fair compensation should be provided to families affected by government land acquisition.

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Paper short abstract:

The paper tries to expound the concept of metamorphosed dispossession by empirically grounding it with the data collected from the fieldwork in Odisha. It also looks at the ways through which dispossessed are incorporated into the production process.

Paper long abstract:

The literature on dispossession in the past few decades suggests that the present phase of dispossession is quite distinct from the “classical case”. Two processes of dispossession take place simultaneously in the current context, that can be termed as metamorphosed dispossession. One, the expansion of agrarian accumulation creating a large mass of landless people in the rural areas. Second, the corporate capital through the help of global finance capital, acquiring land for expanded reproduction especially in the rural areas. While the former takes place largely through market mechanisms the latter takes place through deception, coercion, material compensation and normative persuasion. Our study tries to focus on the second kind of dispossession that is taking place in India.

In order to understand the ways through which people have been dispossessed and incorporated into the production relations in the neoliberal period, the case of a private bauxite mining plant in Rayagada, Odisha, India is seen. Using the concept of conjugated oppression, we show how the dispossessed people belonging mainly to the marginalised social groups such as Schedule Caste(historically underprivileged caste) and Schedule Tribes (indigenous communities) have been adversely incorporated into the production relations. The paper also shows how informalisation in general and mining in particular, has further increased the vulnerability of labour, with 84 percent of the employment being provided through the sub-contractors. A hierarchy of labour is created in the employment of the dispossessed with women at the bottom of the hierarchy getting least wages.

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Paper short abstract:

I explore the institutional dynamics affecting land governance in relation to revenue collection by comparing cases of Zambia and Sierra Leone. I argue for reshaping hegemonic notions of land and property rights in contexts where land is held collectively, and managed by customary institutions.

Paper long abstract:

This paper, drawing from my PhD thesis, conceptualises the puzzle of taxing properties on customarily held land. It argues that the problem of competition for tax legitimacy at sub-national levels in several Sub-Saharan African countries is further compounded by the fact that land is held customarily. The problem of raising revenues from land and property in this context is therefore a distinctive question presenting obstacles that require a specific analytical approach. This approach conceptualises the ownership of property, or property rights, in these customarily held lands, and highlights the distinctions from more traditional notions of land ownership. In doing so, it brings about the main features of existing land systems that are direct descendents of colonial structures. The paper applies a comparative lens to the cases of Zambia and Sierra Leone to substantiate its core argument. These countries, share institutional history as former British colonies, and present similarly structured parallel political institutions that operate at the sub-national level. Within both countries, these institutions often compete on issues around land reform and revenue collection. Both countries are currently considering reforms impacting property taxation on customary lands. The findings highlight central challenges: obtaining citizen support for land and property taxes which are historically absent in customary lands; limited engagement between citizens and agents of the formal state; and the risk of property tax reform undermining the vital role that traditional political instititutions play in maintaining the relationship between communities and their lands.

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Paper short abstract:

This paper explores how foreign large-scale investors have interpreted the ‘land tenure security’ paradigm in Uganda and Sierra Leone. I analyse how investors have facilitated the formalisation of customary land rights in the course of their land acquisition strategies, with varying outcomes.

Paper long abstract:

Against the background of the global ‘land rush’ debate, the international community has promoted a plethora of global governance norms for more responsible land investments. A growing emphasis has been set on the paradigm of ‘land tenure security’ in these instruments, which is often equated with the formalisation of land rights to protect local communities from dispossession. There is an expectation on companies to avoid ‘land grabbing’ at all costs, to identify and protect legitimate land rights, and practice principles such as ‘Free Prior Informed Consent’ (FPIC). However, how investors are supposed to do this and how they are doing this is under-researched and varies widely. More importantly, whether the recognition and documentation of local land rights in the context of investments leads to the protection of these rights remains unclear. This paper sheds light on these questions by analysing cases of land investments on (unregistered) customary land in northern Uganda and Sierra Leone, in which investors have facilitated processes of land formalisation. In Sierra Leone, this has led to the safeguarding of customary land rights, while in Uganda, customary rights were gradually erased through their conversion to other tenure systems. Based on 13 months of fieldwork in both countries, I argue that these variations in outcomes depend on the interplay of the concrete practices of private firms (in interpreting the land tenure security paradigm) and the wider context of local land politics and land governance institutions in both countries.

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Paper short abstract:

International Large Scale Land Acquisitions are overrepresented in the literature, more research is needed on the local dynamics of dispossession. Researching local elite coalitions for dispossession can illuminate both local-based and international dispossession processes.

Paper long abstract:

Interest in Large-Scale Land Acquisitions (LSLA) and land grabs in the Global South has focused largely on international dynamics and Global North-South relations. The local actors, their coalitions for dispossession and the institutions that enable them have been less studied and are only now beginning to be understood. This paper uses a case study of small-scale farmers threatened with displacement from their customary land by a coalition of local elites in Zimbabwe to explore the institutions of home-grown dispossession. The study finds that elite coalitions for dispossession combine political elites, business elites and the security apparatus. The state encloses and devalues land to make it available for the private sector, the business elites invest in the project and benefit from the arbitrage between market value and compensation value as well as cheap labour while the security apparatus intimidates, threatens, abducts and kills resistors and quells any rebellion. Such dispossessions tend to occur in the countryside, among marginalized minorities and attract less international attention and condemnation and therefore make it difficult for the dispossessed to find elite allies in the international community to support their resistance. Their struggles are a multifaceted mixture of demanding new institutions and legislation as well as demanding the rule of law and enforcement of existing legislation. There is a greater need for networking and sharing of resources between different groups that are fighting dispossession as well as a better appreciation of the local dynamics of dispossession

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Paper short abstract:

With this research, I would like to highlight the continuing struggle of indigenous peoples over land tenure and the political settlements that shape arrangements for inclusive development.

Paper long abstract:

Land acquisition and land ownership are recurring sources of tension, violence and dispossession in contexts of settler colonialism. This study discusses the development challenge of General Santos City in the Philippines in dealing with land conflicts arising from land tenurial instruments for enterprise development, and competing land claims as a consequence of weak land governance systems. It provides a brief historical account of land politics that were drivers of colonial and postcolonial struggles of indigenous societies which still reverberate until now with the country’s countless land contestation issues across different regions, most prominently in the Mindanao region where the city is located. The research also examines the political settlements that are normally appended with land tenurial instruments and the social tensions that are characteristically formed around such arrangements, particularly over ancestral domains. It reveals that the contestations over land in General Santos generates various rent-seeking behaviors from ‘land title holders’ and that these dynamics are creating social tensions that bring into question what forms of urban governance or modifications can locate land beyond its economic value and move to arrangements that allow for greater social cohesion as a critical step to address inequities and exclusions. More importantly, the governance issues in the interoperability of different government agencies in addressing land conflicts over ancestral domains remain to be a serious institutional challenge, as policy implementers and street level bureaucrats require a policy environment that is predictable, stable and which allows for greater participation and organization in defining land tenure systems.

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Paper short abstract:

It pertains to the customary leaders' strategy of appearing 'complementary to the statist decision'. However, they later overturned the decision. Using Levitsky and Helmke's concept of the formal-informal institutional relationship, I will explain this phenomenon as accommodating.

Paper long abstract:

I will utilise an empirical case in the Lospalos district of Timor-Leste so as to illustrates how the design of land institutions may exacerbate land disputes. As argued by Mamdani (1996), colonial regimes invented ‘neo’customary institutions, and postcolonial regimes sustained or expanded the role of neocustomary leaders in rural Africa, resulting in a prolonged and prevalent ‘bifurcate’ system. Timor-Leste, under Portuguese rule, experienced a similar situation where the liurai family became the Xefe Suku. Together with another traditional authority known as the lia na’in who is in charge of legal matter in the Suku level, they constitute a neocustomary institution, addressing various issues, such as land disputes within families or between different families.

However, as revealed by Cummins and Leach (2012), the Timorese bifurcate system is integrated into one, following the concept of ‘climbing a ladder’. At the lower level of the ladder, neocustomary institutions operate; if they fail to address problems, these issues can be escalated to the higher level of the ladder – statist institutions, such as the court.

During my fieldwork, I wondered whether the lia na’in’s decision could actually be denied by the formal sector such as courts. The climbing design of land institutions from neocustomary to statist seems well-structured, with each level respecting the other and providing what appears to be fairer opportunities to receive (para)legal service. However, de facto, what the neocustomary leaders in the case were doing was ‘accommodating’; they awaited an opportunity to overturn the decision while seemingly respecting the court’s ruling.

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Paper short abstract:

The paper explores the implications of agrarian policy trajectories on small-to-medium scale farmers. Using a critical agrarian studies and a political economy approach it shows that neo-liberal approaches to agrarian policy making are impacting on production, social reproduction and accumulation.

Paper long abstract:

More than two decades after Zimbabwe’s controversial and radical fast track land reform programme (FTLRP), the issue remains topical. Land tenure, redistribution and rights which were at the heart of the FTLRP continue to dominate the agrarian studies discourse. In recent years, the political transition witnessed in the country which ushered in neo-liberal oriented agrarian policy trajectories and new politics of land have reignited debates on the political economy of the land; politics of dispossession; production and social reproduction dynamics; class formation; social differentiation and accumulation. Agrarian dynamics have been further compounded by the negative impact of the Covid-19 pandemic and an interlocking crises which have found expression in the country’s socio-economic, political, and ecological landscape. The challenges being experienced are catastrophic for a country heavily reliant on the agrarian sector and they have received limited scholarly attention. To fill this research gap, this paper employs field based empirical evidence gathered in rural Zimbabwe to explore how the country’s contemporary agrarian policy trajectories under the five-year development plan- National Development Strategy 1 (2021-2025) are directly impacting on the production, reproduction and social reproduction activities of small to medium scale farmers. Using the lenses of critical agrarian studies and a political economy approach, the paper centrally argues that neo-liberal approaches to policy making in Zimbabwe’s agrarian sector are shaping land tenure, ownership, production and accumulation patterns. Social reproduction dynamics, class formation and social relations are also shown as being impacted on by agrarian policy trajectories with diverse consequences on citizens.

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Paper short abstract:

In Sierra Leone, "Bora" might be used to justify excluding women from land decisions while simultaneously acknowledging their vital contributions to agricultural production. Examining how women navigate these contradictions and advocate for their land rights offers valuable lessons.

Paper long abstract:

The concept of "Bora," signifying respect for elders and authority figures, presents a fascinating paradox in the northwest of Sierra Leone. While financial respect ("Bora") might be readily bestowed, women's fundamental right to land access often remains elusive. This complex dynamic transcends individual communities and calls for a nuanced understanding of the interplay between cultural norms, economic realities, and gendered power structures. In Sierra Leone, "Bora" might be used to justify excluding women from land decisions while simultaneously acknowledging their vital contributions to agricultural production. Examining how women navigate these contradictions and advocate for their land rights offers valuable lessons.

The research combined qualitative and quantitative methods. Conducted in-depth interviews with women, men, and community leaders in the northwest of Sierra Leone that provided rich insights into lived experiences and perspectives on Bora, land access, and gender dynamics. Quantitative data on land ownership patterns, legal frameworks, and socio-economic indicators further strengthen the analysis. This research result indicates that the concept of "Bora," while traditionally associated with social harmony, can also reinforce existing power structures and patriarchal norms. In the northwest of Sierra Leone, these norms often favour male landowners, relegating women to marginal roles in land decisions and perpetuating their disadvantaged position. Therefore, this study recommends informing policy and advocacy efforts aimed at promoting women's land rights and challenging patriarchal structures in land ownership and control.

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Paper short abstract:

This paper draws on ethnographic fieldwork to explore the outcomes of the unique forms of land grabs in the indigenous region of Kashmir, and particularly how the settler colonial states have used resource grabbing as a key mechanism to protect their economic and political interests.

Paper long abstract:

Most scholarship on land grabs in Latin America, Africa, and Asia situates them in the context of contemporary global capitalist development carried out by domestic/transnational capital, often in alliance with the state. However, the impacts of land grabs in the context of settler colonialism have received little attention in critical agrarian studies. The paper builds on the literature that shows how settler colonial states have used resource grabbing as a key mechanism to protect their economic and political interests. Based upon ethnographic fieldwork between 2021 and 2023, this paper focuses on documenting the impact of land grabs in the indigenous and disputed region of Indian-administered Kashmir. The abrupt removal of Kashmir’s semi-autonomous status in 2019 by the right-wing government of India ushered in large-scale land acquisition for the development of military infrastructure, industrial parks, and conservation projects. This paper therefore asks: How does the militarization of natural resources interact with broader processes of agrarian change? What are the implications for the lives and livelihoods of rural communities? The paper argues that the Indian state uses these new forms of land grabs as a key strategy for progressing its settler colonial project. We also argue that the accumulation of capital is not central to this transformation; rather, the settler colonial project uses the garb of neoliberal development as a tool to dispossess and erase the indigenous Kashmiri population. The paper contributes to the understanding of complex state strategies deployed to grab land in a settler-colonial context and has relevance beyond Kashmir.

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This article focuses on the causes of the current relative disarray of land ownership in Nigeria, exploring the historical and political reasons that have shaped the current ownership system from the perspective of historical institutionalism and the political settlement.

Paper long abstract:

This study presents an in-depth analysis of the evolution of land ownership in Nigeria, employing historical institutionalism to trace changes from the pre-colonial era to the present day, within the context of political settlements. The research utilizes systematic process analysis to dissect the land ownership systems through various historical periods, emphasizing the interplay of political power and institutional change. In the pre-colonial era, land ownership in Nigeria was a complex mix of Islamic systems, communal holdings, and family ownership, each contributing to a multifaceted understanding of land rights. The colonial period introduced significant shifts, as British influence overlaid formal land ownership systems and centralized control mechanisms on existing indigenous structures, leading to a hybridized land ownership model.

Post-colonial Nigeria faced challenges in reconciling these historical legacies with modern governance needs. The research uncovers that the Nigerian government's efforts in land reform have been hampered by insufficient vertical (central government authority) and horizontal (local and regional governance) political power. This inadequacy has resulted in a fragmented land ownership landscape, where historical practices and modern legal frameworks coexist yet often conflict, leading to low rates of formal land ownership and ongoing disputes.

The paper concludes that the root of current land ownership challenges in Nigeria lies in the deep-seated historical practices, overlaid by colonial modifications, and exacerbated by modern political inadequacies. It suggests that resolving these issues requires a nuanced understanding of the historical context and a concerted effort to bolster both vertical and horizontal political powers in the land reform process.