Paper short abstract:

This paper uses the integrative literature review methodology in assessing, critiquing, and synthesising selected key publications on Boko Haram with the goal of advancing knowledge and showing new direction for Boko Haram studies and developing theory.

Paper long abstract:

Nigeria and countries around the Lake Chad Basin have been fighting Boko Haram insurgency since 2009 when Boko Haram turned violent. Boko Haram has caused hundreds of thousands of directly and indirectly Boko Haram-related deaths. Although Boko Haram’s terrorist activities have been largely degraded due to a combination of sustained counterterrorism operations, limited political solutions, and infighting and disintegration of the group, Boko Haram remains active and potent. The insurgency has attracted a significant intellectual response with an impressive record of hundreds of scholarly publications. Yet, knowledge about the origin, motivation and transformation of Boko Haram remains partial and lasting solution elusive. There are competing narratives regarding factors that have caused and sustained the insurgency as well as disagreements over the efficacy of the myriad of responses that have been proposed. There seems to be an obvious disconnect between old and recent publications on Boko Haram that have yielded two negative outcomes. One, the recycling of old themes and, two, the misleading assumption by some scholars that Boko Haram study is a yesterday issue. This paper therefore uses the integrative literature review methodology in assessing, critiquing, and synthesising selected key published research articles, books, and other significant publications on Boko Haram. It evaluates the factors that have sustained the group and critiques the impacts and limitations of the counterinsurgency approaches. The goal of the paper is to advance knowledge, show new direction for Boko Haram studies and develop theory relating to Boko Haram’s past, present and future direction.

Paper short abstract:

This paper discussed the Boko Haram Insurgency and the future of the North-Eastern Region of Nigeria. It investigated the impacts and implications of Boko Haram terrorists activities in the region. It also examined the possible ways of mitigating the impacts and ending this conundrum in the Region.

Paper long abstract:

This paper discussed the Boko Haram Insurgency and the future of the North-Eastern Region of Nigeria. Thediscourse began by investigating the destructive impact the Boko Haram terrorists on the citizens of the region and the implications of what this devastations portend for the future of the North-Eastern Region of Nigeria. Historical records have shown that by 2014, over 14 local government areas of Borno State, about 6 in Yobe State and the whole of Adamawa North Senatorial District with 5 local government areas had fallen to the Boko Haram Terrorists. At the peak of their conquest in 2014, they had captured, occupied and administered most parts of the North East as their Caliphate with its headquarters located at Gwoza a Southern Borno town bordering Adamawa State from the north-wing along the Mandara Mountains from September 2014. The horror of Boko Haram insurgents continued until they were finally decimated and driven away in April 2015 by the Nigerian military with the help of the local hunters (Yan Baka) under the leadership of Sarki Baka of Gombi. The paper examined the possible ways of mitigating this devastating impact and the prospect of ending this conundrum of terrorism for the betterment of the future of the North-Eastern Region of Nigeria. The Methodology used to achieve this includes a multi-track approach, namely: political/governance, diplomatic, security/peace-building and socio-economic tracks. The paper propounded a sustainable solution to the problem of insecurity and addressed the root causes of the insurgency in the North East.

Paper short abstract:

Drawing on interviews with Boko Haram defectors and civilians who have interacted with the jihadi, the paper proposes to chart the trajectories of the political economies of jihad in Borno. It analyses attempts to rationalise jihad under the influence of the Islamic State and their mixed effects.

Paper long abstract:

While insurgencies are not economic enterprises, their political economy impacts their resources, relations with civilians and internal politics, thus affecting their performance. The paucity of data regarding the internal workings of Boko Haram feeds a tendency to confuse its factions with one another and to flatten their opposition, internal contradictions and continuing transformations. Interviews with defectors from both factions and with civilians who have had economic interactions with the jihadi, allow to chart the trajectories of the political economies of jihad in Borno. The Yusufiyya, the mass movement formed by preacher Mohamed Yusuf in the early 2000s, adapted to its turn to violence in 2009 and to the brutal repression that ensued, moving from alms-collecting to racket, and then to mass plunder under the leadership of Abubakar Shekau. Shekau’s increasingly sectarian turn only reinforced this tendency. This in turn alienated civilians and fed internal controversies and jealousies. Some members tried to reform the organisation, inspired by past exposure to Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb and current exposure to the Islamic State. These reformists eventually split from Shekau in 2016. They proceeded to a rationalisation of jihad, tightening internal controls, cultivating better links with civilians and developing a tax system. This rationalisation has been implemented unevenly – the payment of wages to fighters was dropped, for instance, and they were encouraged to develop their own businesses. It has however improved internal stability and the resource base, and has been key to the reformists’ successes, including their 2021 victory over Shekau.

Paper short abstract:

This paper examines the manifestation of the violent Islamist insurgencies of Boko Haram in Nigeria and Ansar al-Sunna in Mozambique in a comparative analysis. The paper highlights the governance challenges relating to successful national and regional counter-insurgency measures in both cases.

Paper long abstract:

This paper examines the manifestation of the violent Islamist insurgencies of Boko Haram in north-eastern Nigeria and Ansar al-Sunna in northern Mozambique in a comparative analysis. The thrust of the paper is that Islamist movements, driven by the ideas of jihadism, exploit conditions in weak and fragile states and expand their reach in territories affected by poor or deteriorating socio-economic conditions. In Africa, Boko Haram and Ansar al-Sunna are two striking examples. Following the introduction, the phenomena of Islamism and jihadist insurgencies in Africa are under review, after which state fragility is theorized. The focus then moves to Boko Haram and the conflict dynamics in the northeast of Nigeria, and the political conditions and related fragility in that country. From there, the emphasis shifts to Ansar al-Sunna and the conflict dynamics in northern Mozambique, focusing on the emergence and existence of the movement, and the political conditions and related fragility in the country. The paper argues that in both insurgencies under review – Nigeria and Mozambique – fragility and violent conflict fuel each other, and thus we can argue that the state fragility–conflict dynamics nexus is key in understanding the contemporary security landscapes and conflict in these two states. Finally, the paper concludes by highlighting and reflecting on six of the most striking similarities between the Boko Haram and Ansar al-Sunna insurgencies, and the governance (political and military) challenges that have thus far limited or prevented successful national and regional counter-insurgency measures in both countries.

Paper short abstract:

Studies on violent extremism are riddled with pessimism. Scholarly analyses have portrayed gloomy outcomes on extremism, though overlooks voices and grievances on social and political issues. The study analyses ISIS and Boko Haram extremists’ narratives on social and political reform in Ghana.

Paper long abstract:

Beyond Violent Extremism: A Comparative Analysis of ISIS and Boko Haram Extremists’ Narratives on Social and Political Reform in Ghana

Yunus Dumbe (PhD)

Department of Religious Studies,

College of Humanities and Social Sciences,

Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST), Ghana

Email: ydumbe@gmail.com, ydumbe.cass@knust.edu.gh

ABSTRACT

Contemporary studies on radicalization and violent extremism in West Africa are riddled with panic and pessimism. The scholarly analyses have always portrayed gloomy outcomes on violent extremism suggesting that extremists are adversaries to civilisations, though this overlooks the voices and grievances they articulated on social and political issues. The study offers a comparative analysis of both Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and Boko Haram extremists’ narratives on social and political reform in Ghana. While these extremist groups have unleashed violence on innocent people and communities, they have equally articulated their grievances about social and political issues which are worthy for academic reflection on reforms. This study outlines how Ghana has become parts of global Jihadi trend with networks in North Africa and the Middle East and local conditions shaping the extremists’ narratives. Depended on ethnographic methods, internet sources and social media, the study argues that the social and political grievances articulated by extremist organisations provide useful lens to understand their impetus in modern times.

Key words: violent extremism, grievances, ISIS, Boko Haram Ghana, social, political and economic.

Paper short abstract:

This study cross-examine some emerging issues such as what extent Western countries and donor agencies tolerate the activities of violent groups within their territory and how best they would respond to threats by violent groups without infringing on their rights.

Paper long abstract:

Though several literature and reports indict the Nigerian military of violating human rights in its onslaught against Boko Haram, a significant concern for this study is to cross-examine some emerging issues in the human rights discourse from the Nigerian experience. This includes to what extent Western countries and donor agencies tolerate the activities of violent groups within their territory and how best they would respond to threats by violent groups without infringing on their rights. How do we measure a minimum force in responding to extremist groups, and importantly why is that Boko Haram is not equally being held for human rights abuse. This task will be achieved through the use of both quantitative and qualitative methods of data collection. The study argues that the violent dimension of the insurgency, military response, and the lack of international and local support in the fight against Boko Haram have further complicated the crisis and grave security implications. Hence, human rights advocacy groups and humanitarian agencies need to move beyond the conventional narrative in human rights reporting and proscription to more pragmatic ways of finding a midpoint between a government’s response to extremist groups and the protection of civilians in conflict situations. Thus, more significant technical assistance and expertise are needed from the international community to fight against terrorism and insurgency. This includes; improved funding and organizing training sessions of the Nigerian military and a more profound commitment to infrastructural development and peace building.

Paper short abstract:

This paper assesses the Multinational Joint Task Force`s counter-insurgency operations against Boko-Haram insurgency in Nigeria`s northeast region and the Lake Chad Basin.

Paper long abstract:

The escalation of Boko Haram uprisings from Nigeria`s northeast region to Cameroon, Chad, and the Niger Republic in 2009 led to the revival of the Multinational Joint Task Force in 2015, aimed at curbing the insurgents` threats in Nigeria`s northeast region and Lake Chad basin. The logic behind the resuscitation of the MNTF was to seek the military collaboration of the countries on the frontlines of the war, which comprised Nigeria, Cameroun, Niger, Chad, and the Benin Republic in accordance with the Africa Union`s collective security mandate and African Peace and Security Architecture meant to combat trans-border security threats. The formation of the MNJTF raises some pertinent questions: What successes has its intervention achieved in combating Boko Haram onslaughts in Nigeria`s northeast region and Lake Chad Basin? What are the challenges of the multinational security arrangement? What is the prospect of such an initiative in the war against cross-border security challenges in the West Africa sub-region and other parts of Africa? This paper contends that the MNTF`s approach is an effective counter-insurgency strategy that has been successful in crushing Boko Haram insurgents and restoring peace in the region, despite pockets of attacks that still exist. Data was collected from oral interviews with security personnel at the war front. Secondary data comprised a close reading of relevant literature, including media sources. This paper contributes to the discourse on the present, past, and future of the Boko Haram insurgency and its implications for national and sub-regional security.

Paper short abstract:

Examining the current situations of security and looking into the future of this extremely religious country, this paper critics the ideas of god, heaven, and hell must be re-ideologized to pave way for a future that is centered on peace, provided through conscious religious re-orientation.

Paper long abstract:

Abstract

Other than the civil war which took place shortly after independence, between 1967 and 1970, there is arguably no incidents or spate of incidents in the history of Nigeria that has led to the loss of more lives and destruction of more properties than the ongoing activities of the Islamic terror group, Boko Haram, and many other religious crises that have engulfed the nation. Scholars have suggested that among other reasons for the perpetration of violence by Boko Haram is their (mis)interpretation of the tenets of Islam. One of those writings is the literary critique of the Boko Haram activities in Ahmed Yerima’s play, Pari (2016). This paper uses the play to critique the influence of religion in the historical atomization of the people, especially the poor in Nigeria and recommendation for the religious future of Nigeria. Examining the current situations of security and looking into the future of this extremely religious county, the play suggests that the ideas of god, heaven, and hell must be re-ideologized to pave way for a future that is centered on general peace: peace provided through conscious religious re-orientation. Constructed around the actual violent event of the kidnapping of 275 Chibok school girls in April 2014 in Maiduguri, Nigeria, the play accentuates the enduring philosophical question of our time: the (in)existence and benevolence and malevolence of God or supreme being, suggesting that the important route to the eradication of all forms of religious violence in Nigeria is finding a robust answer to the question above.

Keywords: Pari, atheism, theism, theodicy, God, Boko Haram, aljana, Islam, Christianity

Paper short abstract:

International humanitarian law tries to alleviate the suffering caused by war and to protect the weak during conflict. This research aimed at highlighting the activities of the Boko Haram group against the Nigerian Army and to situate the conflict into the nature of the Armed conflict it falls into.

Paper long abstract:

The high level of insurgency and violence perpetrated in Nigeria by Boko Haram group has heightened fear among the populace and the International community. This research aimed at highlighting the activities of this insurgent group vis a vis the counter insurgency measures being put in place by the Armed forces to situate the conflict into the nature of Armed conflict it falls into and also invoke the applicable rules of International humanitarian law while highlighting the obvious breaches of the relevant laws of war in such conflict. To achieve this, the doctrinal research method was adopted. It was found that the obligations on the combatants to observe the principles of distinction, precaution, proportionality and humanity were breached resulting to extra Judicial killings, hostage taking, killing of civilians and destruction of objects. This research recommends observation of the core principles of International humanitarian law by both parties to the conflict.