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- Convenors:
-
Muez Ali
(UCL)
Hamid Khalafallah (University of Manchester)
Raga Makawi (ZED/Africa International African Institute )
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- Format:
- Paper panel
- Stream:
- Political change, advocacy and activism
Short Abstract:
This panel explores the role of non-state actors in political crises and how that challenges concepts of statehood. We invite scholars to examine how these actors gain legitimacy, provide public goods and humanitarian aid, and the impacts on traditional frameworks of aid and citizen-state relations.
Description:
The recent rise in political crises, marked by conflicts and autocratic governance, has renewed interest in the roles of various actors in state-building and governance. Democratic backsliding is evident globally, especially in Africa, where coups and conflicts are prevalent, but also in North America and Europe, where populism has led to restrictions on citizen rights and the mistreatment of refugees. Amid this turmoil, civil society and grassroots movement activity have surged, challenging centralisation of power, oppression and marginalisation. For example, in Sudan, grassroots groups mobilised against a thirty-year dictatorship, while the Occupy movement in the U.S. initially focused on police violence before addressing other issues like the Palestinian struggle. This panel explores how non-state actors—specifically civil society and grassroots movements—challenge and redefine concepts of statehood, gain legitimacy, provide public goods, and supplement humanitarian efforts in conflict zones.
We invite contributions from scholars examining questions such as: How do non-state actors redefine sovereignty in political crises? What strategies do they use to gain legitimacy? What are the implications for traditional state-citizen relations? How do non-state actors provide governance and public goods in conflict-affected regions? What are the implications for traditional aid frameworks? What are the implications for current legal and policy frameworks, and development theories and practices? By addressing these questions, this panel aims to foster discussions on the role non-state actors play in political crises. We welcome submissions from researchers across various disciplines and geographies, particularly early career researchers and PhD students.
Accepted papers:
Paper short abstract:
International aid providers have long supported legislative drafting and reform in the Global South that seek to transform non-state justice forums into modern justice systems. This paper explores the underlying logic of these initiatives before examining their empirical consequences.
Paper long abstract:
International aid providers have long supported legislative drafting and reform in the Global South to advance the rule of law, promote human rights, reduce conflict, and increase security. By partnering with host states, they seek to pass regulations that transform non-state justice forums into something akin to the modern justice systems in the Global North (or rather an idealized version thereof). This paper explores the underlying logic of these initiatives before examining their empirical consequences. Ultimately, a review of internationally backed legal reform efforts finds that their impact is decidedly limited. International efforts to impose change almost never work. Worse they can provoke a backlash or disrupt existing, effective justice forums. When advances occur, they are generally modest and tend to hinge on whether the state supports those efforts and whether state and international activities are deemed legitimate by those legal authorities and their communities more broadly. While highlighting a wide range of examples, the research will focus on two case studies of places with robust legal pluralism that have received extensive foreign assistance, namely Afghanistan (2002-2021) and Timor-Leste (2002-2022). The paper will draw on extensive in-country interviews, contemporary documentation, and relevant secondary literature.
Paper short abstract:
This paper looks at how non-state entities affect the legitimacy and sovereignty debate in modern politics. These actors include, for instance, transnational advocacy networks, multinational companies, civil society organizations, and armed groups.
Paper long abstract:
The conventional ideas of sovereignty and legitimacy, which were predicated on state power and territorial integrity, are seriously threatened by the growing involvement of non-state actors in political crises. This paper looks at how non-state entities affect the legitimacy and sovereignty debate in modern politics. These actors include, for instance, transnational advocacy networks, multinational companies, civil society organizations, and armed groups. The study looks at how these players create power, acquire legitimacy, and affect governance systems in both state and non-state contexts using case studies from a range of international situations, such as insurgencies, separatist movements, and humanitarian operations.
The paper investigates the blurred lines of sovereignty by looking at how globalization, technological advancement, and shifting social norms might lead non-state actors to challenge established power structures and rethink political authority. In a world that is becoming more linked and multipolar, it also looks at how these dynamics affect governance, peacebuilding, and international law. By offering a comprehensive framework that considers the roles and effects of non-state players in political crises, this work seeks to further the scholarly conversation on the changing nature of sovereignty and legitimacy.
Keywords: Sovereignty, Legitimacy, Non-State Actors, Political Crises, Globalization, Transnational Advocacy Networks, Multinational Corporations, and Civil Society Organizations.
Paper short abstract:
Innovative local approaches not only strengthen the conflict-sensitivity of social protection but also actively support efforts to tackle the structural drivers of conflict and promote peace, both by enhancing social cohesion as well as boosting the supply and demand for effective governance.
Paper long abstract:
When the central government takes a defiant approach to humanitarian assistance or where peril on the ground complicates service delivery, gaps in aid from the traditional IO-driven regime have left affected populations vulnerable and unsupported. In the absence of these IOs, a new localised model for aid delivery that leverages the potential of social protection and locally-driven action to improve livelihoods and contribute to peacebuilding has become increasingly visible. With fragility increasing globally, it becomes even more imperative that external partners remain engaged during periods of instability and contribute to existing locally-led solutions that can lay the groundwork for sustainable peace.
Drawing on lessons learned from mutual aid efforts in Sudan, Myanmar, and Kosovo, we find that community-based delivery of basic, valued, and visible services results in more effective support for affected communities in the short and long term. Mutual aid groups leverage their informational and locational advantages, while their community-run nature produces built-in accountability measures. A growing evidence base also supports the claim that aid framed as the product of civic engagement through democratic processes can foster good governance in the future.
Paper short abstract:
A comparative analysis of two contrasting approaches to aid in Sudan: the international humanitarian aid system's traditional top-down model and new communal mutual aid structures. The paper applies a people-centered research approach, using insights from contributors and beneficiaries.
Paper long abstract:
The ongoing military conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces destroyed Sudan’s population, administrative, and industrial centers. This has resulted in unprecedented displacement, food insecurity, and health crises for the civilian population. The international humanitarian aid system has largely failed to deliver assistance to affected communities, with many organizations unable to access conflict zones or respond effectively to the displacement crisis.
In this context, Sudanese civil society has leveraged its organizational experience, notably through the Resistance Committees, to develop mutual aid initiatives that address urgent public needs. These grassroots efforts, including emergency rooms and similar organizations, have demonstrated remarkable efficiency and resilience despite limited financial and institutional support. This contrast highlights the need for a critical examination of the shortcomings of conventional international humanitarian aid systems.
This paper offers a people-centered critique of current approaches, drawing on insights from practitioners, professionals and beneficiaries of mutual aid initiatives and humanitarian assistance programs. Their contextualized and well-informed perspectives underscore the potential of mutual aid models to provide sustainable and efficient alternatives. This research contributes to broader discussions on reimagining aid and service provision to better address the needs of conflict-affected populations
Paper short abstract:
Between 2018 and 2021, Sudan’s weak, oppressive state faced surging neighbourhood autonomy amid a struggle for democracy. This paper explores how the Neighbourhood Resistance Committees redefined sovereignty and legitimacy in Khartoum through grassroots mobilisation and socio-political innovation.
Paper long abstract:
Between the start of the Sudanese Revolution in 2018, and the coup of October 2021, neighbourhood autonomy rose as a common theme, characterising the revolution as a territorial-material struggle for democracy, political change and social reform. During this period, the Sudanese state was characterised by a series of political turbulences that highlighted its weakness and oppression. Simultaneously, the resistance scene has engaged in a magnitude of processes to navigate these crises such as grassroots mobilisation, community development, alongside a constant exercise of democracy and political dissent. The Neighbourhood Resistance Committees (NRCs) rose as a prominent non-state and grassroots actor, representing a general desire for collective autonomy and self-organisation.
In this paper, we explore neighbourhood autonomy as the canvas to how NRCs were able to negotiate political futures, redefine sovereignty, gain legitimacy, and reclaim state resources. In the context of hybrid governance, the NRCs place-based approach highlights how non-state actors can hold legitimate authority alongside a weakened state, while fostering innovative forms of civic engagement and service provision. This reframes the NRCs’ activities, from mere evidence of state failure, into a generative model of collaboration, where decentralised grassroots structures and formal institutions coexist. Through exploring the NRCs’ journeys during the revolution and transitional period, we showcase how they utilised neighbourhoods as dual sites for resisting the state and replenishing the community during times of crisis. To achieve this, we adopt an interpretivist, phenomenological position on how the experiences of resistance in the social world, particularly in Khartoum, are produced and lived.
Paper short abstract:
What strategies do non-state actors in Syria use to gain legitimacy? How do non-state actors provide governance and public goods in conflict-affected regions?
Paper long abstract:
The overthrow of Bashar al-Assad's government in Syria by groups that are all non-state actors has attracted worldwide attention. The way in which these groups came together, formed the transitional government and what they have done so far to gain legitimacy can be a good example for examining the role of state actors in providing a governance model. To this end, this article will look at how the non-state actors in Syria who have now formed the transitional government are trying to gain internal and external legitimacy What will their governance model look like? And what are the ups and downs they will face?
Paper short abstract:
Critically documenting aspects of the dynamic civic space in Sudan during the military coup period (particularly the first year) that are often forgotten after the war. Significant civil-society and popular democracy activities took place around that period and affected later events.
Paper long abstract:
This paper will present a critical documentation of aspects of the dynamic civic space in Sudan during the military coup period (particularly the first year, October 2021 - October 2022) that abruptly ended a historical transitional period in the country (August 2019 - October 2021). After the April 2023 war broke out, the period of the coup was often treated, in writings, as the year when political tensions heightened and led to the war. That made most writings about the period oblivious to documenting and understanding the significant civil-society and popular democracy activities that took place around that period and affected later events. Three important trends marked that year of the coup from the perspective of non-state actors: (a) the socio-political maturing process of the resistance committees (RCs); (b) the continuing momentum (from the transitional period) of local initiatives and labour movements; and (c) the quagmire that donor-funded NGOs found themselves in as a result of abruptly losing the more favourable conditions of the transitional period. All this took place against a backdrop of increasing violence and rapidly deteriorating economic conditions in the country. The paper argues that while that particular period is unique – a military coup period sandwiched between a political transition and a nationwide war – various lessons can be drawn from it about the role of non-state actors in political crises. One important lesson is about the potentially higher level of resilience and responsiveness with locally-resourced actors compared to donor-funded actors.
Paper short abstract:
Present key findings and contributions to the discourse on local economic growth through proposals for enhancing local government autonomy and effective collaboration with non-state actors for sustainable development.
Paper long abstract:
Local government autonomy plays a crucial role in fostering economic development by empowering decentralized authorities to make decisions tailored to local needs. This study explores the relationship between local government autonomy and local economic development in Ghana, focusing on Abuakwa South Municipal and Atiwa East District Assemblies. Employing a qualitative methodology, the research draws insights from semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions with local government officials and non-state actors. Thematic analysis was used to identify key patterns in governance practices, economic strategies, and collaborative efforts.
Findings reveal that while local governments in Ghana possess formal autonomy to some extent, their capacity to drive economic development is often constrained by limited financial independence, bureaucratic bottlenecks, and inadequate stakeholder participation. However, effective collaboration with non-state actors, such as traditional authorities and private sector entities, emerged as a critical enabler of local development initiatives. The study also highlights the need for policy reforms to enhance fiscal, political and administrative decentralization and foster inclusivity in decision-making processes.
By examining these dynamics, the research contributes to understanding the practical challenges and opportunities in utilizing local government autonomy for economic transformation. This presentation offers actionable insights for policymakers, development practitioners, and researchers interested in the intersections of governance and economic development in decentralized systems, emphasizing strategies for optimizing autonomy to achieve sustainable growth in similar contexts.
This study adds to the growing discourse on decentralization and development, offering a case-based perspective from Ghana that has broader implications for other developing countries.
Paper long abstract:
Cities have become emblematic of the challenges posed by rapid urbanization, industrial growth, and resultant pollution, which have triggered widespread public protests and advocacy for more robust environmental governance. With a bipartite focus, this paper aims to illustrate the influence of geographical factors on the mobilisation and intensity of anti-pollution protests in Indian capital city New Delhi and subsequently, examine how protest politics shapes, modifies and navigates legal frameworks and policy responses that address public concerns over environment degradation.
Adopting a mixed method approach, we critically evaluated quantitative data such as pollution metrics and geo-local data tied to respective protest sites in New Delhi in conjunction with associated qualitative data composed of protest narratives, in-depth interviews with different stakeholders, media representations, policy documents and legislative measures such as the Air (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, the Environment Protection Act, and specific city-level regulations targeting pollution.
Our analysis revealed a strong correlation between the spatio-temporal contexts and the nature of anti-pollution protests and their outcomes. Therefore, we argue that civic activism and subsequent politico-legal interventions should be examined against this background and not in a vacuum. This research aims to contribute to the broader field of legal geography by addressing the complex dynamics between urban space, law, activism and environmental governance.
Keywords: Pollution, Protests, Legality, Geography, Urbanisation
Paper short abstract:
This paper examines digital food assistance and politics in Sudan, in particular the role of non-state actors such of civil society, international organisations, private sector, the neoliberalisation and weaponization of linked practices, and its impact on governance and food security.
Paper long abstract:
Non-state actors have long played a role in both politics and aid in Sudan. This includes civil society, international organisations and private sector entities. Aid, mostly food aid, has been provided and used for political purposes, and has been perceived as undermining sovereignty by the Sudan government. Government suppressed and controlled civil society in response, and benefited through its closely linked traders and transporters. Aid digitalisation brings in new actors such as banks, money transfer agents, telecoms and internet providers, each of whom will also have their own interests and motivations. The use of aid practices for political ends continued during the revolution, for example in attempts to undermine/coopt the political role of the resistance committees, promoting neoliberal policies that shrank state social protection role. This continues to be a risk in the current war in many ways. War related militarisation, securitisation, surveillance, check points, accusations, arbitrary detention are leading to the shrinking of civil society and NGO actors. On the other hand, some new crony business actors benefit from digitalization. In addition, warring parties and their regional backers weaponised the infrastructure required for providing aid and finance: comms, internet, banks. This paper will examine these trends, and its impact on food security and political economy, using the findings from two years of research into the politics of digitalising food assistance in Sudan. This will include fieldwork conducted in Darfur, Omdurman, Al-Gezira and Kassala in the first half of 2025.
Paper short abstract:
Assam is a far eastern province of India with an ongoing separatist insurgency. My paper examines tea plantations in Assam and their role in public welfare. What are the competing strategies of the centuries-old tea plantations and the state as they struggle for political control over the citizenry?
Paper long abstract:
Few academic works have viewed the privately owned tea plantation as a quasi-governmental bureaucratic unit in itself, performing multiple administrative and welfare functions often expected of a sovereign welfare state. This interdisciplinary paper attempts to fill this gap in our scholarly understanding of the tea plantation in Assam, a post-conflict territory in Northeast India.
In a postcolonial republic, where the welfarism of the welfare state applies to every citizen, why exists the anachronism of a “state within an estate”: an estate totally in charge of the lives (as opposed to livelihood) of the population inhabiting it?
Today, the tea industry, being unable to afford all welfare measures, is demanding that the government shares this welfare ‘burden’ or takes charge. The larger political question, then, is: Why is the republic staying away from the welfare of a major section of its citizens?
For the field of Development Studies, this question assumes enormous significance, as it comes at a time when the Indian state is showing increasing tendency to devolve more of its erstwhile commitments to private players through mechanisms such as public-private partnership (PPP). Does this imply that the demand of the tea industry itself is anachronistic?
To answer these questions, this paper explores how the state is making inroads into the governance paradigm of the estate to break the enclaved isolation characterizing life on estate for nearly two centuries. The state’s role in the welfare of this segment of citizenry directly concerns development issues facing communities in the developing world.