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Abstract

Over the centuries, human migration has been driven by various factors, leading individuals to relocate from one land to another. Some migrations were voluntary, spurred by the ambitions of dominant, colonizing nations seeking new opportunities and privileges in foreign territories. Others, however, were marked by coercion and persecution, forcing individuals to flee their homelands in what can be termed as forced migrations. These historical upheavals often resulted in the formation of minority groups known as diasporas, who, in their new environments, resist assimilation and diligently safeguard their cultural identity across generations.

Unlike migrants who left their homelands by choice, those who remained while others were compelled to depart often feel a sense of responsibility towards diaspora communities. Consequently, many nations have implemented repatriation policies aimed at facilitating the return of their diaspora members to their ancestral lands. This paper endeavors to analyze the repatriation policies of Kazakhstan, Germany, and Israel, with a particular emphasis on the acculturation process experienced by repatriated migrants, rather than solely examining the policies themselves. By scrutinizing these processes, we aim to discern variations in integration dynamics based on the migrants' countries of origin and draw insights for enhancing current immigration policies. Ultimately, this study seeks to contribute to the refinement of migration policies and offer a blueprint for future research on the cultural integration of immigrants.

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Abstract

In 2023, we conducted research to understand how female care workers from Central Asia function in the Russian labor market today. Pilot interviews conducted a year earlier with experts in Moscow and St. Petersburg showed that over the last year or two employers have begun to hire women from Central Asian countries to provide care for elderly people. We are talking primarily about the market for unskilled labor. This is a partially shadow market, especially when it comes to hiring migrant women to care for the elderly in the context of the households. We conducted 60 semi-structured interviews with women from Central Asian countries who have been working in Russia for at least two years. We also conducted 22 interviews with employers who hire migrant women.

In my presentation, I will show how women from Central Asian countries enter this shadow job market, how they find themselves trapped in unstable and precarious conditions and build their own strategies for legalization in Russia without the participation of an employer.

In my arguments I follow the logic of researchers who write about post-Soviet informality. Their works show the importance of such practices as the use of social networks that include friends, relatives, and acquaintances in post-Soviet countries (Uslaner, 2004; Morris and Polese, 2014). Informality is a survival strategy for certain groups and is common in everyday social practices (Williams, Round, Rodgers 2013).

It is also important for my research that, on the one hand, it focuses on the most marginalized and disenfranchised members of society - migrants. For these migrants, it is important to rely on their fellow countrymen and relatives in almost all areas of life - from legalization in the country to understanding strategies for receiving treatment and obtaining for their children access to schools. On the other hand, the study shows that informal practices are perceived by all parties as the only possible solution to any difficulties that arise in my respondents’ lives. In the report, I will show not only the strategies that the migrants choose, but also the ways in which employers (refuse to) make choices to formalize relationships with those who work for them. I note that informality is the norm for many migrants: it allows them to avoid unnecessary communication with the state and employer, while also to abode breaking the laws.

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Abstract

Over the last 30 years, the primary focus of China’s studies in Kazakhstan has been on the economic and political developments, international relations and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) impacts. The social and human dimension of China’s rise in Kazakhstan remain largely unstudied. Applied sociological studies are scarce and address mainly the views and attitudes of the local population (the Kazakhstanis) towards China and the Chinese. The Chinese themselves are voiceless.

To address this gap a series of applied sociological studies were conducted in Almaty at the end of 2023 – beginning of 2024, supported by the newly established charitable CAPS Unlock Foundation. The results are currently being processed and interpreted. The research employs a mixed methodology including quantitative and qualitative methods: a representative sociological survey, focus groups, expert interviews, direct observations and other methods. The survey identifies public attitudes of the urban Kazakhstani population towards China and Chinese [migrants] and compares them with two earlier national-level surveys conducted in Kazakhstan in 2007 and 2012. The results allow to track the dynamics of public perceptions, attitudes and concerns about China and Han Chinese in Kazakhstan (impact on the labor market, perspectives of migration, Sinophobia, and challenges of the bilateral relations, etc.) over the last 16 years (2007-2023).

An empirical sociological study among Han Chinese themselves exploring their views, perceptions and attitudes towards Kazakhstan and Kazakhstanis is a pioneering study. Focus group discussions with Han entrepreneurs, professionals and students were held in Almaty in December 2023 to study their interests and concerns, career and life plans, views, and attitudes towards the host country and its citizens. Lack of communication and weak collaboration between locals and Han Chinese, language and cultural differences (specifically business traditions and work ethic differences) are emerging among the causes for misunderstanding and latent distrust between Kazakhstani and Chinese citizens. This personal perspective is considered within a broader cultural, ethnosocial, economic and historical context.

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This paper delves into the dynamics of labour migration from the Central Asian Republics of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan to Turkey, in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis. The phenomenon of labour migration and subsequent personal remittances sent by expatriates have emerged as pivotal factors shaping the socio-economic landscapes of these three Central Asian nations since the early 2000s. Initially, Russia stood as the primary destination for labour migrants from these republics. However, the 2008 financial crisis posed unprecedented challenges for all labour migrants in Russia, particularly those from Central Asia, as their home countries relied heavily on the remittances they sent. Despite this, Russia remained the primary destination for potential Kyrgyz, Tajik, and Uzbek labour migrants until 2014. Following the annexation of Crimea, Russia faced severe economic sanctions, echoing the strains of the 2008 financial crisis. In response, citizens and governments of the three Central Asian nations, deeply reliant on remittances from their diaspora in Russia, actively sought alternative labour markets. Among the alternatives, Turkey emerged as one of the most viable options. This paper draws on my master's thesis, titled ‘‘Migration from the Central Asian Republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan to Turkey (Antalya-İstanbul-İzmir) after the 2008 World Financial Crisis’’, defended in 2023 at Middle East Technical University, along with 15 interviews conducted for the same thesis.

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Abstract

Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, individuals holding Russian passports have become target of legislative changes, specifically designed by EU Member States to limit entry and residence rights of this group. Evidence- and individual-based approaches towards this category has been substituted by an approach where Russian citizens are portrayed as a security threat and assigned collective responsibility for Putin’s actions.

The most visible EU-level step in this regard has been the suspension of the EU-Russia Visa Facilitation Agreement in September 2022, following which Russian citizens face longer visa processing times and extra checks. Moreover, EU Member States are allowed to deprioritise applicants whose reason for travel is not considered ‘essential’. Poland, the Baltic States and Finland, however, went much further and – in breach of the Schengen Borders Code – unilaterally introduced a nearly absolute entry ban on Russian citizens, including holders of short-term Schengen visas issued by other Member States.

The paper provides an overview of the practical implications of such measures for Russian citizens and offers room for comparison with the approaches adopted by other states, such as Central Asian countries. The paper argues that the EU imposed entry restrictions have targeted a much larger group of individuals than those who, in the words of EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell, ‘travel[led] to the EU for leisure and shopping as if no war was raging in Ukraine’. The first group particularly disadvantaged in this regard are those fleeing the oppressive regime, all the more so because since February 2022 the human rights situation in Russia has significantly deteriorated. Among other categories, the entry restrictions affect Russian citizens fleeing military draft whose options to claim protection in the EU are now extremely limited – particularly given that several Member States have expressly refused to issue humanitarian visas to this category. The second group severely impacted by the restrictive measures are Russian family members of EU citizens and residents, including Ukrainian refugees living in the EU – contrary to the governments’ reassurances that this would not be the case.