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Paper short abstract:

The aim of this presentation will be situating the concept of dis -and misinformation in the broader historical context disclosing two insights; [1] understanding what is dead and what is alive; [2] contingent and realistic interpretations of the present aura of dis -and misinformation crisis.

Paper long abstract:

Despite the threat posed by dis -and misinformation on national security, democracy, public health, and decision making, its heuristic nature, the diversity of its actors, and its all-purposiveness leave scientific navigations a difficult task. Thus, an enduring task for anyone keen to comprehending, in a full scale, the meaning, mechanics, and impacts of dis -and misinformation, in the age of digital media, is to have a concise historical account that informs the subsequent tasks of defining, conceptualizing and contextualizing it as purposed in this analysis. The aim of this presentation will be situating the concept of dis -and misinformation in the broader historical context disclosing two insights; [1] what is dead and what is alive; [2] contingent and realistic interpretations of the present aura of dis -and misinformation crisis. Discourses that support dis-and misinformation (and computational propaganda) as a new and straightforward concept without a history of its own would be a parade of (dis)misinformation in itself and an ignorance of its ontological, epistemological, and practical implications (Romele, & Terrone, 2018: 26). In doing so, we remain vigilant regarding the multidisciplinarity of the concept.

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Paper short abstract:

This paper analyses infrastructure as an assemblage that stores information and assures continuity during political upheaval, with the Nigerian Federal Military Government awarding major contracts in the 1970s to the German-Nigerian engineering company, Julius Berger Nigeria.

Paper long abstract:

The first military period (1966-1979) following Nigeria’s independence in 1960, saw intensive investment in infrastructure with large-scale oil-wealth projects awarded to German-Nigerian engineering firm, Julius Berger Nigeria (JBN) in the 1970s. JBN would grow in influence to become a parastatal, directly advising the Federal Military Government on infrastructure programmes, with Nigerian projects drawn and detailed at their head office in Wiesbaden. A crisis of congestion at the Lagos port in 1975, precipitated adoption of design-driven solutions at urban level, and in that same year, the state would decide to relocate the capital from Lagos to Abuja, with the pattern of investment in infrastructure moving to northern Nigeria from the 1980s. The military state is understood as a technocratic form that has played a significant role in Nigeria’s urban development. At a time of political upheaval, the narrative control and information-management by the state would take a dual form of restrictions on the Press and implementation of infrastructures as ‘built monuments’, testament to the effectiveness of military rule. Using the concepts that make up assemblage in Deleuze, this paper will explore how the Nigerian State viewed urban infrastructures as a form of information, and as information storage structures, providing narrative continuity and evidencing state achievement, and affirming the reputation of the JBN company by extension. This research has lessons relevant to study of contemporary African military governments, foregrounding infrastructure as a commitment made to citizens, with potential for the study of information flows between government and the population.

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Paper short abstract:

This paper describes how information circulates in the Guinean public administration. It then analyzes the uses and functions of rumors in the disruptive context of regime change.

Paper long abstract:

This paper challenges the grain of anti-rumor campaigns and information disorder management. It puts forward the idea that rumors end up being true. To support this presumption, which is part of Guinean common sense, this paper examines how information circulates within public administration offices, spaces in which voices are raised against rumor and informational disorder. Based on interviews and observational data collected in the field in September 2021, March 2022 and from September to December 2023, the paper's central argument postulates that rumor is a means of unveiling confidential, ignored or unknown information. The presentation begins by defining rumors as unassumed information, distinct from official information. It then describes the ways in which information circulates in the public administration resulting from the coup d'Etat of September 05, 2021. This description highlights the way in which the circulation of information feeds rumors, determines their uses and functions, and confers a certain veracity on them. The presentation concludes that politicians use the public spaces as means to control information and curtail freedom of expression. While citizens are not explicitly prohibited from expressing themselves, they are compelled to do so within a visible space, where they must assume responsibility for their statements. As a result, anything that cannot be assumed is prevented from being said.

Keywords: Guinea, Public administration, Circulation of information, Rumor

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Paper short abstract:

The processing and dissemination of information in the Sahel have a significant impact on the perception of conflicts, international mobilization, citizen participation, and the search for lasting solutions. Responsible information management contributes to a better understanding of the issues.

Paper long abstract:

Since 2010, the Sahel has faced many challenges, including armed conflicts, insurgencies, and terrorist activities. Information processing and dissemination play a crucial role in understanding, managing, and resolving these conflicts in the Sahel. Security issues, the threat of self-censorship, the spread of misinformation, and political pressure make the media's crucial role in understanding, denouncing, and preventing insurrection all the more complex.

How can the media operate effectively and responsibly in an environment of insurgency, while ensuring the safety of journalists and preserving integrity of information?

To what extent is media self-censorship in the Sahel influenced by fear of reprisals from armed groups or the authorities?

How can self-censorship compromise the media's traditional mission as a fourth estate and a vehicle for objective information?

How can the media in the Sahel identify and effectively counter misinformation propagated by armed groups or other actors?

What role can the media play in promoting good information for the public, to reduce the impact of propaganda?

Conflicts in the Sahel are often accompanied by disinformation and propaganda. The handling of information in Mali, as elsewhere, is influenced by the personal convictions of information professionals and by the ethical codes that govern their work.

Against a backdrop of insurgencies in the Sahel, the emergence of resilient and responsible media will depend on the effective implementation of safety measures for journalists, the adoption of innovative strategies to deal with disinformation, the promotion of regional and international collaboration, and the ongoing strengthening of professional skills and community involvement.

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Paper short abstract:

Cette présentation vise une (auto)réflexion sur les groupes WhatsApp en 2023 utilisés comme forme d'organisation par la population civile dans les régions de conflit armé du nord et du centre du pays, associée à des groupes dans les camps de réfugiés, en exil et dans la diaspora.

Paper long abstract:

L’enchaînement des événements et des différents intérêts conflictuels ont fait du Mali un espace de réflexion incontournable aujourd'hui. D'Amadou Sanogo à Assimi Goïta, les institutions du pays, son économie et la cohabitation ont été bouleversées. Goïta a pris le pouvoir dans un scénario de mobilisation fondé sur le discours néo-panafricaniste et la promesse du retour de la fierté malienne. La militarisation a été choisie comme solution à des conflits politiques historiques complexes avec des populations spécifiques (Maures, Tamacheque et Peuls), en ignorant les organisations criminelles transnationales qui agissent dans le pays. Goïta a disqualifié l’accord d’Alger, ainsi que le dialogue politique interne et la médiation internationale précédemment établis.

Cette étude interroge les dynamiques de mobilisation, notamment via WhatsApp, autour des violations, massacres et empoisonnements environnementaux. Débat sur la demande d'aide humanitaire dans le contexte des affrontements entre l'armée malienne et les mouvements politico-militaires de l'Azawad en 2023, lors de la guerre de reconquête de Kidal, symbole des luttes pour l'émancipation et l'intégration, le système fédéraliste et l'indépendance (2012 ), successivement.

Face à une série de violations, la mobilisation civile s'est organisée à travers les TIC. Dans cette communication, il s'agit de discuter l'importance de briser les circuits fermés d'information et de construction de connaissances. Quelles étaient les plaintes et comment l’information a-t-elle circulé ? Quelle est la place de l’académie dans les situations de guerre ? Comment intégrer l’expérience personnelle du chercheur, immergée dans la dynamique des conflits armés, comme dialogue pertinent dans la réflexion académique ?

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Paper short abstract:

This paper explores Russia's recent actions to provide military support to anti-democratic regimes in West Africa and the grave danger it posed to regional and democratic stability in West Africa.

Paper long abstract:

This paper explores Russia's recent actions to provide military support to anti-democratic regimes in West Africa pose a grave danger to regional and democratic stability in West Africa. Specifically in instances of military coups, there has been growing evidence and concern regarding Russia's alleged role in fostering political instability by providing support to military factions that undermine democratic governance. The paper begins by establishing recent military coups in West Africa, highlighting the challenges faced by the region in achieving and sustaining democratic governance. The motives behind Russia's alignment with anti-democratic regimes are dissected, including strategic interests, access to resources, and the desire to establish a foothold in regions traditionally influenced by Western powers. The paper also examines the methods employed by Russia in supporting military coups, such as arms sales, diplomatic maneuvering, and potential involvement in coup planning. The critical analysis includes specific case studies of military coups in West African countries, illustrating the nature and extent of Russia's alleged involvement. The paper evaluates the impact of such support on democratic institutions, human rights, and regional stability. Furthermore, the abstract considers the responses of the international community, neighboring nations, and regional organizations to Russia's actions, assessing the effectiveness of existing mechanisms in addressing and preventing the rise of anti-democratic regimes through military coups. In conclusion, the paper emphasizes the need for a nuanced understanding of Russia's role in West African political dynamics and its implications for democratic governance