Paper short abstract:

The International Trade Union Confederation is a trade union organisation created in 2007. The organisation is a catalyst of structural changes within unions themselves. This paper discusses its agendas and strategies as as issues such as informal labour and bargaining power.

Paper long abstract:

This paper is about the African Regional Organisation of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC-Africa), a pan-African trade union organisation created in November 2007 following the merger of two former African trade union organisations, namely ICFTU-Afro and DOAWTU (ituc-africa.org). ITUC Africa is the largest umbrella organisation of trade unions in Africa. The internationalism (or regionalism) of trade unions is nothing new in African international labour history; however, ITUC-Africa differs from its precursors in many ways. The collapse of the socialist/soviet bloc partly explains the change in union political strategy, but other elements are also at play in terms of explaining today's transformations. This presentation first discusses the position of ITUC-Africa and its members vis-à-vis the traditional, post-independence tripartite structure upon which unions base their policies - in particular, the extent to which that structure is efficacious. Secondly, this paper analyses to what extent ITUC-Africa can pave the way towards structural changes within unions themselves: i.e. workers representation and political effectiveness especially at the national level (although the micro level or the workplace setting are also interesting to study). Finally, crucial contemporary issues such as informal labour inclusion and new campaigning strategies are discussed with reference to the impact on the level of bargaining power with investors and/or employers.

Paper short abstract:

In this paper, I use trade union struggles on utility tariff adjustments in Ghana to provide an alternative narrative to assumptions on diminished union power and relevance. These struggles and their outcomes illustrate trade union vitality and provide new insights on social movement unionism (SMU)

Paper long abstract:

This paper explores one of the trade union responses to neoliberalism in Ghana: labour struggles against removal of subsidies on utilities. As part of its neoliberal programme, the government of Ghana has sought to achieve full cost recovery in the electricity and water sector through end user tariffs. However, utility price increases have elicited significant trade union opposition. To gain deeper insights into how these struggles are waged and given meanings, I used qualitative approaches and 39 individuals, including unionists, civil society activists and officials of business associations we interviewed. The findings suggest that labour resistance has prevented full cost recovery in utilities through user tariffs. In 2016, trade union struggles achieved a 14.2 percentage point reduction of the gazetted residential electricity rate. Currently, domestic electricity consumption up to 300kWh in a month attracts between 5.6 percent to 26.5 percent subsidies from the government of Ghana. I argue that the concessions in tariff increases achieved by trade unions is a show of power and ability to mobilise support beyond unionised workers to achieve non-workplace goals. In this case study, we see that even though political partisanship and the operations and orientation of civil society organisations (CSOs) inhibit formation of alliances between unions and CSOs around tariffs, labour generates individualised mass alliances with consumers, an alliance that bypasses institutionalised CSOs and directly solicits support from individual consumers towards achievement of SMU goals. I therefore propose that context matters in determining relations that are established in social movement unionism.

Paper short abstract:

This paper describes the shifting core tasks of Ethiopian unions and examines the factors leading to such shifts. It adopts a conjunctural and relational approach to explain how tasks have repeatedly been removed from and reappeared in union repertoire, in response to a changing balance of forces.

Paper long abstract:

This paper aims to address three interrelated questions. First, what are the core tasks of the trade union movement in contemporary Ethiopia? Second, what have its central tasks been in the past? And finally, why have the central tasks changed over time? The answer to these questions feed into a broader discussion of the determination and subversion of union strategies, that goes beyond a linear logic of tradition and innovation. Instead, when examining the shifts in union strategies in Ethiopia, a more fluid picture emerges, where similar low-risk strategies - such as entrepreneurism, consumer collectivism, and a range of social activities - have been adopted as core tasks in different historical conjunctures over the past five decades, but where higher-risk means of conducting open class conflict have also repeatedly been returned to when circumstances have permitted or compelled. It is argued that the Ethiopian example lends credence to a conjunctural and relational approach to the determination of union strategies, where tasks and methods are repeatedly removed from the union repertoires - by internal and external processes which reflect shifts in the overall balance of forces - but reappear when circumstances permit or compel.

Paper short abstract:

Industrial relations are made of institutions and rules but in colonial Africa there were no Labour organisations. The Angolan experience shows how, why and when this set of practices became outdated. Based on it this paper intends to stress the results of the rank-and-file African experience.

Paper long abstract:

Industrial relations are usually defined as a set of institutions and rules. The European labour experience and the theories that later were build upon it stressed the "the network of rules which govern workplace and the work community". In Africa, the demand of labour during most of the colonial period occurred in a different social environment: forced labour and the interdiction of Labour organisations were widespread. Thus, the work experience combined a framework of formal organisations (the capitalist corporations and colonial labour institutions) and informal worker's groups. But how long could it last? The Angolan experience shows when this set of practices started to conflict with profitability. Sooner or later some sort of unionisation was welcomed by all, labour and… capital. The role of Unions as key factors for social consensus (and capital accumulation) is well known in post-colonial Africa. But is the split of official Unions and the proliferation of independent Unions the only way for African workers to make claims? This paper intends to show that it may be worth reviewing the results of the rank-and-file African experience during colonial times.

Paper short abstract:

Paper exploring how the Mineworkers Union of Zambia is responding to worsening wages, increased subcontracting and union proliferation. Examines the benefits and potential costs of the unions' plans to make itself financially independent from companies, and more controversially from members' dues

Paper long abstract:

This paper will explore Zambian mining unions' responses to the 'triple-bind' of worsening wages, increased subcontracting and union proliferation. Classified as essential workers and effectively barred from striking, Zambia's mineworkers held a fractious alliance with the state for almost fifty years. They provided the copper that defined the nation's economy in exchange for a high (but deteriorating) economic status and a (stuttering) democratisation. However, since democratisation, Zambian mine have been sold to foreign investors, and labour laws changed to allow multiple unions and (more importantly) to shift more than half the permanent workforce onto short-term contracts. Zambia moved from one mining union with (at its peak) over 60,000 members to five mining unions with (at their trough) a combined membership of approximately 20,000.

This paper will explore the strategies of renewal among Zambia's largest mining unions. In particular, it will focus upon the Mineworkers Union of Zambia's controversial acquisition of a maize mill and other smaller businesses, using a long line of credit. These acquisitions are planned to free the union of financial dependence on the companies, and more controversially on members' dues. The paper will explore the potential of financial independence to subsidise the unionisation of informal workers and to enable militancy. It will also consider the dangers of reduced accountability to members and increased entanglement with a government-dominated financial sector.

Paper short abstract:

Many African trade unions face structural constraints. This is restricting the ability of officials to build capacities effectively. One response has been an increase in income-generating investments by unions. This presentation examines key issues relating to these investments.

Paper long abstract:

Many African labour organisations face substantive structural constraints. These restrictions stem to a considerable extent from paucity of finance, caused by falling membership and few alternative means of raising funds. The lack of financial capacity is restricting the ability of officials to build technical and institutional capabilities. Consequently, trade union facilities are generally poor in Africa. Few African trade unions do detailed analyses of labour issues. Thus, trade unionists are short of independently researched evidence-based knowledge of issues. Through their weak capacity, many trade unions also do not have legitimacy with members, the state and representatives of capital. One response has been the utilisation of income-generating investments by unions. Some argue this is a justifiable response, given the few options available to unions in terms of fundraising. Critics contend that trade unions should not on principle be engaging in speculative financial ventures with money received mostly from dues paid by members. The possibilities of poorly chosen investments and corruption on behalf of union budget-holders are highlighted. A case study of financial investment in a hotel complex by the Sierra Leone Teachers Union is examined to test the validity of the arguments surrounding this issue.