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- Convenor:
-
Andrea Revelant
(Ca' Foscari University of Venice)
Send message to Convenor
- Discussant:
-
Urs Matthias Zachmann
(Freie Universität Berlin)
- Section:
- History
- Sessions:
- Friday 27 August, -
Time zone: Europe/Brussels
Short Abstract:
Our panel examines the history of relations between imperial Japan and the Republic of China, taking public narratives to discuss the role of different actors in the formation of mutual images between the two countries. Each paper addresses one of four successive phases within the common timeframe.
Long Abstract:
The history of imperial Japan is inextricably bound to that of China. Mutual perceptions of the two countries were essential elements in the formation of their own national identities and sense of placement in the modern world. Those perceptions changed over time, affecting in a remarkable way the course of both foreign relations and internal affairs. Moreover, they were never homogeneous throughout either country at any given moment. There were, on the contrary, multiple and often conflicting narratives. Some of them managed to acquire dominant status over a long period and resonated abroad; others remained marginal, but are today no less significant for understanding the history of society and institutions. Inquiring into the genesis of narratives, their competition and reciprocal influences means, in fact, to shed light on relations among the actors involved in those complex flows.
On these premises, our panel investigates the development of Sino-Japanese relations through the lens of public debates, using sources from both countries. The period considered spans over three decades, from the First World War to the end of the Second World War. This allows us to track some major issues in the redefinition of mutual images. Set in motion by the birth of the Republic of China at regional level and by the Great War on a global scale, these issues reached their climax in the tragic years of the Sino-Japanese War.
Each paper in the panel presents the results of new research on a specific phase within the given time frame. The first study reconsiders the 21 Demands to China by looking at diverse responses in the Japanese press, both national and local. The second paper carries on this line of investigation, analysing how press commentators, particularly in local newspapers, evaluated "Shidehara diplomacy" at the time of the Sino-Soviet conflict in 1929. The next paper turns to the 1930s, to illustrate the efforts some prominent journalists made in China and Japan to forestall conflict escalation between the two countries. Finally, we move into the Sino-Japanese War with a research on radio propaganda from both sides.
Accepted papers:
Session 1 Friday 27 August, 2021, -Paper short abstract:
The Sino-Soviet conflict of 1929 was a major trial for "Shidehara diplomacy" and affected subsequent relations between China and Japan. Research on the Japanese press, presented with a focus on local newspapers, takes that regional crisis as a case study of competing discourses on Nationalist China.
Paper long abstract:
In the late 1920s, the establishment of a new central government in China under the Nationalist Party posed a major challenge to Japan's established interests in that country. When Shidehara Kijurō started his second tenure as foreign minister, in July 1929, he had a complex agenda for improving strained relations with Nanjing, so as to secure for Japan a leading role among the powers in the renegotiation of the "unequal treaties". Before he could act, though, his plans were disrupted by the outbreak of an armed conflict between China and the Soviet Union over control of the Chinese Eastern Railway. Japan's neutrality worked in favour of Moscow, which managed to reassert its rights on the disputed railway by the year's end. Shidehara's unwillingness to support China's claims left a negative impression on the Nationalists, thus affecting adversely the later course of Sino-Japanese negotiations.
Scholars have examined the 1929 conflict and its wider consequences from different national perspectives. Their focus, however, has been on institutional actors, such as diplomats and military officials. As a result, little is known about the responses of public opinion and their impact on diplomacy, or, conversely, about the influence of that conflict over the formation of public discourses on Nationalist China. Newspapers and magazines published at the time, still largely overlooked in the literature, are precious sources to tackle these questions.
This paper, specifically, compares opinions in the national press of Japan with those that appeared in some leading local newspapers. For the latter group, three areas of circulation are considered, namely northern Kyūshū, the Tōkai region and Niigata prefecture. The analysis rests on a complete survey of editorials from the selected sources, chosen as representative of different political stances and target readerships. The results highlight common threads and narrative patterns across the sample, while showing at the same time the critical independence of local editors. This, in turn, provides evidence for a better understanding of the structure of public opinion in imperial Japan and its relationship with policymaking.
Paper short abstract:
Both China and Japan made intensive use of radio propaganda during the war of 1937-45. Long thought lost, documents on the contents of broadcasting have recently reemerged from the archives. The paper discusses these contents and points at the legacy of propaganda in the postwar era.
Paper long abstract:
After the Sino-Japanese War broke out, both countries made strong propaganda towards East Asia and beyond. Both of them resorted to short-wave/long range radio broadcasting to direct propaganda to the enemy. Radio was recognized as a "weapon", as testified by the expression "radio war" in use at the time. Some recent studies have explored the development of facilities for radio stations, the policies concerning radio broadcasting and the everyday schedules of radio programmes. However, the contents of those programmes have remained unclear until now.
Materials that included the contents of radio propaganda to the enemy were lost on both sides during and after the war. Both countries, though, managed to preserve materials relating to propaganda from the enemy. Research in Japan has first brought to light a large documentaton on intercepted KMT radio propaganda. More recently, KMT archives in Taipei have revealed similar documents on the interception of Japanese radio propaganda to China. Thanks to these documents, our knowledge of the contents of propaganda has increased sharply. Interestingly, contents on both sides have several traits in common. Both Japan and China stressed their own legitimacy and just reasons for war, and crafted narratives that supported such viewpoint. "Fake news" were a common weapon to disturb the enemy, while "friendly messages" were also aired regularly to persuade soldiers to surrender.
This presentation outlines the contents of both Chinese and Japanese documents, discussing their characteristics and pointing out controversial aspects. Furthermore, it explains the process of message transfer as a form of mass communication in wartime. Lastly, the analysis suggests that propaganda left a problematic legacy in the postwar era. Japan, being the loser, denied and basically abandoned the narrative of propaganda. As the winner, instead, China could not deny those messages and went on using them after the war. The influence of radio propaganda on the collective memory of the people was therefore greater in China.
Paper short abstract:
Zhang Jiluan of Ta Kung Pao and Ōta Unosuke of Asahi Shimbun were comrades who shared a concern about Japan-China relations in the 1930s. Their writings shed light on little-known cooperation between Japanese and Chinese journalists who strove earnestly to prevent escalation of conflict into war.
Paper long abstract:
Due to the Manchurian Incident, Japan-China relations worsened until a total war broke out in 1937. Through those years, however, there were initiatives across Japan and China to avoid such a clash. This paper focuses on two journalists who aimed at improving bilateral relations through their work in the press: Zhang Jiluan and Ōta Unosuke.
Zhang Jiluan (1888-1941), who served as the editor in chief Ta Kung Pao, developed a thesis for appeasement towards Japan before the outbreak of the war. He did not, however, support Japan's aggressive policy, nor did he abandon resistance against invasion. Having ties with many moderate "China experts" in Japan, he aimed at cooperation with them to arouse criticism against the invasion of China and cause a policy change in Japan.
One of the partners of Zhang was Ōta Unosuke (1891-1986), a journalist of the Asahi who specialized in Chinese affairs and had a professional experience of over ten years in Beijing and Shanghai. In the 1930s, he promoted a "thesis for the unified assistance of China". Looking at the process of state building under the Nationalist government, Ōta called for Japan's aid to the Chinese government and economic partnership between the two countries. His ideas met with some positive responses in China. The Ta Kung Pao, in particular, was eager to introduce Ōta to the Chinese public. Its editor portrayed Ōta as an ideal supporter of Japan's recognition of China, raising him above other "China experts" in Japan.
This paper clarifies the realities of resonance and cooperation between Zhang and Ōta on the eve of the Second Sino-Japanese War, with a focus on articles related to Ōta in the Ta Kung Pao. Research mainly covers the prewar period, but also explores how the relationship between Zhang and Ōta changed during the war. Despite the eventual failure to deter conflict, friendly cooperation between Japanese and Chinese journalists remains a significant aspect of Sino-Japanese relations in those years, as well as of media history. In a broader perspective, those facts are important for understanding the foundations of international dialogue in the postwar era.
Paper short abstract:
It is well-known that Japan's 21 Demands to China were criticized all over the world. But the reasons of criticism have been neglected in previous studies. An analysis of why Japanese newspapers and magazines criticized the Demands reveals one aspect of "Information warfare" in the negotiations.
Paper long abstract:
Japan's 21 Demands to China in 1915 are well-known as the start of the deterioration of Sino-Japanese relations. By concluding a treaty with China based on these demands, Japan gained a secure place in Manchuria. In retrospect, the demands can be regarded as the herald of Japanese expansion on the continent in the 1930s. On the other hand, China resisted Japan fiercely in the negotiations, which became a catalyst for Chinese nationalism.
Negotiations over the 21 Demands were not done only by politicians and diplomats: the media and public opinions did have a great impact on them. It is already well-known that the 21 Demands were criticized all over the world. However, how commentators criticized them and how such criticism affected the negotiations are issues that previous studies have overlooked. This paper analyzes the logic underlying criticism of the 21 Demands by Japanese newspapers and magazines, and points out that a "Monroe Doctrine for Asia" was common in almost all of their comments.
This paper covers the general trend of the major media in Japan, but particularly focuses on the arguments of some media which have been neglected in previous studies. It is the case of local newspapers such as the Nagoya Shinbun and Shin-Aichi. Not only national newspapers, but also local ones were much interested in the 21 Demands. Media of the latter kind, too, made frequent and severe criticism. The analysis of these criticisms of the local newspapers is useful for judging to what extent a "Monroe Doctrine for Asia" prevailed in the country. Another source examined here is Tokyo Puck, a caricature magazine which contains a lot of caricatures of the negotiations in its 1915 issues. Through an analysis of these caricatures, we can easily understand the stereotyped image of 21 Demands in the Japanese media.