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- Convenors:
-
Tanja Bastia
(University of Manchester)
Laura Hammond (SOAS)
Anita Ghimire (NISER)
Send message to Convenors
- Formats:
- Papers Mixed
- Stream:
- Mobilities: bringing and leaving
- Sessions:
- Wednesday 17 June, -, -, Thursday 18 June, -
Time zone: Europe/London
Short Abstract:
Migration and inequalities are tightly connected. We welcome papers that contribute to the conceptual development of the relationship between migration and inequalities as well as original case studies. We are particularly interested in South-South migration and in various types of inequalities.
Long Abstract:
Migration and inequalities are tightly connected. We know that various types of inequalities (income, social, political, age and gender) drive both internal and international migration. We also know that migration has implications for inequalities - particularly in terms of whether these are strengthened, reproduced or subject to challenge and change. These various relationships have important implications for development too, and whether migration is seen as a positive force for progressive social change, improving material standards of living as well as opportunities to challenge deeply ingrained social inequalities. Or whether the opposite occurs, with the migration benefits being captured by elites, who then reproduce their privileges without sharing any of these benefits or simply because it was a calculated risk that families or individuals took to deal with adverse situation and migration failed.
In this panel we welcome papers that will contribute to the further conceptual development of the relationship between migration and inequalities, as well as original case studies that will help us illustrate how these processes play out in various contexts. We are particularly interested in papers that focus on South-South migration streams, which can include both internal and cross-border migrations. We are also interested in exploring various types of inequalities, whether economic or social, based on income, age, gender, race, ethnicity etc.
Accepted papers:
Session 1 Wednesday 17 June, 2020, -Paper short abstract:
Gender constructions are closely connected to both migration and labour positions. This presentation discusses how constructions of migrant masculinities that privilege men in one context, simultaneously work in tandem with capitalist interests to justify exploitative working conditions in another.
Paper long abstract:
Although migration theory for long has addressed men's migration for work, the significance of masculinities is rarely considered in analyses of male migrants' working conditions. Contrarily, a rich literature within critical feminist research addresses how specific constructions of femininity, that portray women as disposable "non-workers" whose primary responsibility is reproductive labour, effectively justify low wages and trivialise poor working conditions. While feminist approaches to migration have greatly nuanced the conceptualisation of men as gendered subjects, it remains under researched how specific masculinities are both privileging and marginalising male migrant workers at various stages of the migration process.
Through a review and integration of literatures on 'gender and migration' and 'labour exploitation', this presentation will discuss how specific constructions of masculinities that privilege men in one context, simultaneously work in tandem with capitalist interests to justify exploitative and dangerous working conditions in another. This will contribute to a conceptualisation of "men as men" in labour migration, i.e. going beyond Universalist approaches, which despite criticisms of androcentrism, fail to address the gendered dimensions of men's migration and labour positions.
This will serve as theoretical background for an empirical study of Nepalese labour migration to Malaysia - a migration corridor imbued with dangerous working conditions, low wages and poor living conditions. Moreover, it is a highly gendered phenomenon; firstly, it is almost exclusively young men that migrate in the corridor, and secondly, because states, recruitment agencies and employers each mobilise strong narratives of gender ideals in migration legislation, recruitment and employment, respectively.
Paper short abstract:
In India, female migration is mostly associational as per the primary reason reported. Focusing on all migrant women we find that more women than reported as economic migrants, join the labour market eventually, while some exit. This paper analyses the factors associated with such behaviour.
Paper long abstract:
Female migration accounts for almost one-third of internal migration in India. However, their movement is not independent and a very small proportion is reported to move for employment reasons. Though it is predominantly associational, the growth rate in economic migration among female is increasing and higher than male during 2000s (Economic Survey 2016-17). With shrinking opportunities in the agriculture sector and inadequate work available in non-farm, there is a higher movement towards urban areas. While the female labour force participation and absolute number of workers is declining (since 2004-05), movement towards urban location may provide wider choices of work to women. It is hypothesised that these choices will allow economic mobility to migrant women in terms of their work status. Also, there are both entry and exit from the labour market post-migration. The objective here is to test this hypothesis and analyse what are the factors associated with entry and exit of female migrants from the labour force. National Sample Survey data on migration for 2007-08 (latest round available) is used for the analysis. Logistic regression is used to obtain the results. It is found that age, education, children, marriage, caste, spouse's education and work, and household income plays important role in explaining the employment decision of adult women. Result also brings out the difference in migration-linked-shift in work status among men and women and a continuation of traditional roles for female migrants in contrast to male migrants.
Paper short abstract:
The paper presents how migration of men in Nepal has led to increase in domestic and sexual violence on their spouses thus exacerbating gender inequalities in communities where social norms are already stringent for women.
Paper long abstract:
Remittance from Nepali labour migrants contributes substantially to increasing economic condition of the country and households in Nepal: it makes over 25% of national GDP and over 53% of Nepali households receive remittances from Nepalis working in Middle East and Malaysia. Many studies in Nepal show that remittance has contributed positively to household's access to health and children's education, better living conditions and food security. However, only few studies in Nepal have looked at how migration of men contributes to gendered norms. In this paper, I approach the question of migration and inequality by showing examples of how migration contributes to discriminatory gender norms. As a part of understanding the social implication of migration on families left behind, the study used mixed methods. Survey with wife of migrants (1000 individuals) and participatory qualitative methods (which body mapping exercise, in-depth interviews, case studies, path of aspiration mapping, mapping of source and expenses and vignettes) were used. In qualitative interviews we interviewed wife of migrants, caretakers of children and key informants. The paper argues that in communities where gender discriminatory norms are prevalent, migration further aggravates gender inequalities and results not only in proliferation of restriction on women but also leads to increased domestic and sexual violence against women and girls.
Paper short abstract:
Remittances have positive direct and indirect impact on IHDI. A 1% change in the level of remittances leads to an increase in inclusive development of 0.90%. Remittances reduce inequalities by allowing the poor people to access financial system and obtain formal loans.
Paper long abstract:
Sub-Saharan Africa's economic growth is marred by massive poverty and rising inequality, demonstrating that its economic growth isn't inclusive. These scourges cause a number of problems, including political instability, social unrest, conflict and massive emigration. Our objective is to determine the impact of remittances on inclusive development in Sub-Saharan Africa. Based on the theory of the new economy of labour migration and remittances; models that take account liquidity constraints. According to recent literature on inclusive development in Africa, the Inequality-adjusted Human Development Index is used as a proxy of inclusive development. Based on a sample of thirty-four developing countries in sub-Saharan Africa from 2010 to 2017, we estimate our models using the fixed effects instrumental variables (FEIV) and Generalized Equation of Estimation (GEE) methods. Transfers positively and indirectly affect inclusive development through mobile telephony and financial development. Moreover, knowing that majority of remittances are received by the poor, which implies that they are not only a source of income for households, but also allow them to access the financial system and obtain formal loans. Therefore, policies to strengthen transnational linkages and financial development will increase the impact of remittances on inclusive development in beneficiary countries.
Paper short abstract:
New migration flows to and within Africa hold the promise of more inclusive growth. We seek to conceptualise the potential linkages between migration and inclusive growth which can encompass a wide array of economic and non-economic factors.
Paper long abstract:
International migration and development debates in Africa largely focus on movements to the global North, with remittances seen as the engine for development. With some African economies growing, migration within and to Africa has increased. Most international migration in Africa is between African countries but we are also seeing growing South-South migration from beyond the continent as well as rising numbers of diaspora 'repatriates' from the global North. These new flows hold the promise for more inclusive growth (IG), because they involve small-scale enterprises and also favour the service sector. This paper seeks to conceptualise the relationships between international migration and IG. While migration and growth has been explored, the idea of inclusiveness has hardly been touched. IG seeks to understands how the economic and non-economic are co-constituted as well as paying attention to equity and justice. Yet, IG is typically concerned with outcomes and indicators whereas we are more concerned with the channels and mechanisms through which migration is linked to growth. The paper is based on the GCRF-funded project Migration for Inclusive African Growth and our impetus for moving to IG has been to address the deficiencies of focusing only on economic growth. However, differences exist between those who see IG as being pro-poor and about decreasing the inequalities between rich and poor and those who espouse broad-based growth, which can be for all, but at minimum ensures the poorest are not falling behind. Moreover, IG's emphasis on growth and its breadth render it difficult to operationalize analytically.
Paper short abstract:
This paper will present a research agenda for investigating the links between poverty and income inequalities, on the one hand, and migration on the other.
Paper long abstract:
The paper will examine the ways in which poverty and income inequalities create and constrain opportunities for migration. Using three corridors from the MIDEQ research Hub (China-Ghana, Burkina Faso-Cote d'Ivoire, and Ethiopia-South Africa), we will present a research agenda for investigating the role of inequalities in countries of origin (CoOs), countries of destination (CoDs) and between CoOs and CoDs. We consider how income inequalities within countries of origin influence patterns of migration, either by pushing people to seek an exit in response to economic exclusion, or providing opportunities for those with sufficient resources. in CoDs we consider the ways in which migrants experience inequalities with so-called hosts. We also examine how inequalities between countries of origin and destination influence the sending of remittances, investments in both countries by migrants and their families, and the role (if any) that external development assistance may play in lessening inequalities. The paper will present the conceptual framework for empirical research which will be carried out over the next four years.
Paper short abstract:
I examine to what extent being transnationally mobile constitutes an asset for the businesses of Colombian returnees. I use the concept of spatial mobility capital to study the extent to which the capacity of returnees to control their own mobilities across borders is (un)equally distributed.
Paper long abstract:
This paper examines to what extent, and under what conditions, the capacity of being transnationally mobile constitutes an asset for the business-making activities of migrants who return, in one way or another, to Colombia, their home country. I use the concept of spatial mobility capital to analyse the extent to which the capacity of returnees to control their own (im)mobilities across borders is (un)equally distributed among them depending on their legal status, gender, class, ethnicity, and the localities where they live. This paper thus contributes to unveiling the inequality dimension of returnee entrepreneurhip. This question has received scant attention so far. Furthermore, despite recent efforts to shed a positive light on migrant entrepreneurship (Drori et al., 2009) many scholars ignore persistent inequality. Research still needs to reach an inclusive approach which seriously considers the mobility resources of returnees, but also recognises the unequal distribution of such resources among them (Wahlbeck, 2018). The paper is based on ethnographic work as well as biographic interviews with 30 Colombian returnees. I focus on three typologies of returnees. First, they follow a career of repeated forced mobilities, ranging from initial internal displacement in Colombia, followed by emigration to Venezuela, and subsequent deportation to Colombia by Maduro's government. Second, the returnees follow a career of repeated mobilities, first emigrating to Europe and then physically returning to Colombia with foreign governement support, which allows on-going returns. Third, returnees do not physically go back but create multiple cross-border 'returns' of individuals, goods and capital.
Paper short abstract:
Migration is supposed to bring about 'development' and improvements in people's wellbeing but this seems to be the case for only a few. A comparative case study of rural, urban and peri-urban areas in Bolivia suggests that only a few benefit.
Paper long abstract:
Migration is supposed to bring about 'development' and improvements in people's wellbeing but this seems to be the case for only a few. In this paper I approach the question about the relationship between migration and inequality by analysing how migrants' parents in different parts of the same country fare after their children have migrated abroad. Despite significant regional differences and different migration trajectories, findings from this comparative case study of rural, urban and peri-urban areas in Bolivia suggests that migrants' parents in urban and peri-urban areas tend to benefit the most from their children's migrations. Those in rural areas, on the other hand, tend to find themselves in very vulnerable situations, with deteriorating health, poor access to health and other services, weak support networks, and an inability to sustain their livelihoods amidst the absence of the younger generation. In this paper I use this findings to question the extent to which transnational care is available to ageing parents who remain in the country of origin. The paper suggests that when inequalities of class, residence and gender are brought into the equation, this brings to light some fundamental limitations of the transnational care framework.
Paper short abstract:
Based on the analysis of the trajectories of Peruvian migrants in São Paulo and on ethnographic fieldwork inspired by global ethnography, this work aims to explore how do these migrants navigate different sources of inequality to translate their spatial mobility into social mobility pathways.
Paper long abstract:
Peruvian "Mercosur" migrants in São Paulo face a paradox: they embody a regular migratory status and high economic precariousness. While they acquire legal immigration status through Mercosur arrangements, they incorporate into the labor market through the informal sector. They are mostly young, from urban or rural working classes and have a higher education level than the average of the Brazilian population. How can we account for these different sources of inequalities? How do these migrants navigate them to translate their spatial mobility into social mobility paths?
Based on the analysis of the trajectories of Peruvian migrants who arrived in São Paulo between 2010 and 2015 and on observations inspired by global ethnography, this work aims to explore how these trajectories are shaped by the characteristics of the migration regime in which they were deployed, and by the resources and capitals that the migrants managed to transfer, reinvest and accumulate through their migration.
Research shows that precarious working conditions (marked by informality, flexibility, auto-exploitation, and uncertainty) can facilitate the achievement of migration goals. For these migrants, their experience in Brazil is perceived as one of upward social mobility. This perception is linked to the autonomy granted by working as a street vendor; the advantage of not having a boss; the power to be a master of one's own time and the entrepreneurial opportunity to "make oneself". This core of values appears to be anchored in the cultural content of the neoliberal project that shapes these mobilities and migrants' subjectivities.
Paper short abstract:
Internal or international migration has always been one of the forces driving the growth of inequality across various socioeconomic characteristic profiles of migrants in both home and host countries across Africa.
Paper long abstract:
In Africa, internal migrants are much more numerous than international migrants with a higher share of South-South migration as compared to the share of migrants moving from the South to the North. Different types of migration exist and each requires different types of policy intervention to address market and regulatory failures. Internal and international migration are characterised by various drivers (economic vs. forced migration), their duration (temporary vs. permanent), their standpoint vis-a-vis the law (regular vs. irregular), the geography of the flow and the migrants' basic characteristics (gender, age and skills). Employment opportunities in the home and host countries are basically affected by the various migrant profiles. It is observed today that large disparities exist in the distribution of jobs across countries and regions. It is believed that the most lucrative jobs exist in large cities in the North while mostly menial jobs exist in the rural areas. This study sought to increase understanding on the drivers of inequalities amongst migrants in securing employment while specifically providing answers to the following questions: what are the effects of force migration on migrants' employment? What modalities were in place to reduce conflicts migration? What measures were in place to improve migrants' welfare with respect to natural disaster? What modalities are in place to ensure political stability