- Convenor:
-
Sebastien Peyrouse
(GWU)
Send message to Convenor
- Format:
- Panel (open)
- Mode:
- Face-to-face part of the conference
- Theme:
- Sociology & Social Issues
- Location:
- Sigur (Room 503)
- Sessions:
- Wednesday 19 November, -
Time zone: America/New_York
Description
Sociology & Social Issues themed panel for the conference. This panel is compiled of the individual papers proposed
Accepted papers
Session 1 Wednesday 19 November, 2025, -Abstract
In Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, Kyrgyz is perceived to be under threat from the Russian language. In contrast, many joke that "people speak more Kyrgyz in Chicago than Bishkek" and call Chicago the "8th oblast (province)" of Kyrgyzstan. Why is Chicago considered a sanctuary for the Kyrgyz language, while parents in Bishkek perceive a shift toward Russian among their children in Kyrgyzstan? This paper explores the connections between the Kyrgyz community in Chicago and Bishkek and examines how their on and offline relationships influence language socialization and discourses surrounding Kyrgyz language maintenance and shift. Based on ethnographic research in Chicago and in Bishkek, including interviews, surveys, and recordings of quotidian speech in Kyrgyz families, we demonstrate how "contrapuntal awareness" (Said 2000; Parsons Dick 2013) of the Kyrgyz diaspora and imagined futures in Chicago shape perceptions of the Kyrgyz community in the US as well as influence the language ideologies and linguistic practices of children in Bishkek.
Kyrgyz people in Bishkek lead "contrapuntal" lives, physically in Bishkek while virtually in Chicago (Said 2000; Parsons Dick 2013); though most Kyrgyz will never immigrate to the U.S., it is a pervasive goal and people live their lives according to their aspirations of immigration. Awareness of the Kyrgyz community is constructed through connections with friends, family, acquaintances, and influencers on different Internet media. There are now estimated to be at least 40,000 Kyrgyz migrants living in the Chicago consular district (Makanbai Kyzy 2024; IOM 2022). Though the community comprises a small percentage of the total population of Kyrgyzstan, it has an outsized influence on those who remain. The most popular Kyrgyz instagram influencers are members of the diaspora and top internet news sites do almost daily features on successful Kyrgyz migrants. Social media sustains the idea of a successful, community oriented, Kyrgyz-speaking, diaspora in Chicago as people can instantaneously view posts and videos, comment, and message their contacts in both locales. Migrants' plans, from conception, are influenced by online content; these plans include changes in linguistic practices such as prioritizing English and learning to read latin characters (Ravshanov 2024). Ultimately, we find that though Bishkek children in are deprioritizing Kyrgyz for what they consider to be "international languages" in the hopes of a successful future abroad, young Russian-speaking Kyrgyz adults are inspired by social media content produced by the Chicago Kyrgyz community to relearn Kyrgyz and speak less Russian in their daily lives.
Abstract
This paper is an empirical case study of the Uyghur diaspora's evolution from a local to a transnational advocacy movement, examining how the diaspora's advocacy practices, based on regularly framing its cause within a human rights-based framework, have enabled it to achieve robust and successful results. My research aims to focus on the various phases of the Uyghur diaspora movement in a historical context (1950s to present) to explore the changing organizational structures, political opportunities, advocacy strategies, and, most importantly, the frames—with a particular emphasis on critical junctures. I argue that the Uyghur diaspora's successful advocacy efforts are a result of their strategic use of human rights framing, along with the evolution of their organizational practices, strategies, and ability to adapt to changing political landscapes over time. In an increasingly polarized world where human rights violations occur across the globe, the Uyghur diaspora’s advocacy journey as a non-state actor could have important implications for transnational advocacy movements, state and non-state actors, and individuals who prioritize human rights for everyone.
Through qualitative content analysis of diaspora publications in the form of books and journals, archival resources, organizational material, diaspora websites, and protest signs (focusing on 5 July 2009 onward), as well as findings from extensive fieldwork (ten months between 2012 and 2024 in various locations) among the Uyghur diaspora (expert interviews, surveys, and participant observations), I assess the stages of emergence and mobilization, critical junctures and frames, and the goals and strategies adopted by the diaspora. I conducted a content analysis of social media accounts (X and Facebook) of diaspora elites and a frequency analysis of grassroots diaspora from 2017 to the present. Media coverage of the issue in selected host countries, especially during critical junctures, is analysed to measure levels of awareness. The legislative and judicial documents of the host countries, statements from host-country leaders, and resolutions and reports of international organizations allowed me to evaluate the overall success of Uyghur diaspora advocacy efforts.
Abstract
Every citizen of Kazakhstan has the right to ethnic self-identification. In line with Brubaker’s (2004) idea of ethnicity being not rigid, but fluid and situational, this study explores the relationship between Kazakh language proficiency and ethnic self-identification among ethnic Russians in Kazakhstan. Understanding the country’s ethnolinguistic dynamics is important, particularly how ethnic Russians navigate their dual identities as a minority in the post-Soviet Kazakhstan. In this study, the role of Kazakh language can be addressed in two different ways: first, as a mother tongue, and second, as a second language. Prior research on language and ethnic identification have mixed results, some show no clear dependence of ethnic self-identification on language competence, others discover a relationship between the language and self-ethnic identity. Drawing from Ethnolinguistic Identity Theory (Giles & Johnson, 1987), which highlights the importance of language as a central marker of group belonging, we argue that ethnic Russians with a higher level of Kazakh language proficiency tend to be less likely to solely self-identify as ethnic Russians. Depending on their language proficiency, they tend to be more bi-ethnic and identify as both Russian and Kazakh at the same time, or even to be more Kazakh than Russian. These patterns also reflect concepts from Bicultural Identity Integration Theory (Benet-Martinez & Haritatos, 2005). It suggests that individuals vary in how they perceive and reconcile multiple cultural identities. Another interesting aspect of this research is the ethnic identity that is stated on national IDs. This formal classification may not always align with individuals’ lived experiences and personal sense of belonging. The fundamental question to ask the respondents is “How would you self-identify ethnically?”. Our second argument is that ethnic Russians who do not have an ethnic identification on their governmental ID relatively have a higher level of Kazakh language proficiency. Ultimately, they are more likely to feel part of the Kazakhstani nation and identify as Kazakhs. This study uses a cross-sectional online survey with a non-probability quota sampling approach. National census data were used to establish the target proportions of ethnic groups, gender, and other demographic indicators. Participants will be recruited through snowball sampling, but recruitment continues until the sample matches the population proportions (e.g., 14.6% ethnic Russians, 71.3% Kazakhs) based on the most recent census data.
Abstract
This paper, "Meskhetian Turks" in Uzbekistan: The Challenge of Collective Memory 80 Years Later, examines the enduring complexities surrounding the collective memory and identity of the Meskhetian Turks, a historically displaced ethnic group from Georgia that has faced significant challenges in Uzbekistan since their initial relocation in 1944. The study delves into the multifaceted narratives and historical context that have shaped the Meskhetian Turks' sense of belonging and cultural continuity over the past eight decades. It analyzes the impact of the 1944 Stalinist deportation on the community's social fabric, the subsequent resettlement policies, and the evolution of their identity within the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic. Through an interdisciplinary approach, combining archival research, ethnographic studies, and oral histories, the paper reveals the intricate interplay between the state's efforts to manipulate collective memory, the persistence of Meskhetian Turkish cultural practices, and the group's struggle for recognition and integration. It further explores the post-Soviet era's influence on the revival of Meskhetian identity and their quest for justice, including the return migration and the ongoing reconciliation process with the Uzbek state and society. The paper concludes by highlighting the significant role collective memory plays in shaping ethnic relations, national policies, and the pursuit of reconciliation in the region, offering valuable insights into the challenges of addressing historical grievances and fostering inclusive nation-building in contemporary Uzbekistan.
Abstract
This paper explores the emerging geographies of labor migration from Uzbekistan to the Baltic States and Nordic countries. While Uzbek labor migration has historically been oriented toward Russia and Kazakhstan, the past five years have witnessed a diversification of destinations. This shift reflects broader demographic pressures, economic transformations, and evolving governance frameworks both in Uzbekistan and in receiving states.
Grounded in migration regime theory (Comte, 2023), the paper conceptualizes these migration flows as shaped by multi-level regulatory environments that determine migrants’ legal status, access to employment, and integration opportunities. The central argument holds that while these new routes offer alternative socioeconomic pathways, they simultaneously create heightened precarity for Uzbek migrants, due to fragmented legal frameworks, informal recruitment practices, and uneven enforcement of labor rights.
The study employs a mixed-methods design, combining analysis of migration statistics, policy documents, media discourses, NGO reports, and semi-structured interviews.
Preliminary findings reveal a marked disconnect between official legal frameworks and migrants’ lived realities. Migration regimes across the Baltic and Nordic region range from relatively facilitative (Lithuania, Latvia) to increasingly restrictive (Sweden, Finland). For instance, in 2023, Lithuania issued over 7,500 work-related residence permits to Uzbek nationals—more than any other EU member state—while Latvia has reported a growing Uzbek community of over 4,000. In contrast, Sweden hosts an estimated 20,000 Uzbek migrants (Eraliev, 2023), most of whom lack legal status and face increasing deportation pressures (e.g., 895 removal orders in 2023).
In response to these disparities, Uzbek migrants mobilize informal channels, personal networks, and digital platforms such as Telegram to navigate complex institutional landscapes. This highlights the interplay between structural constraints and individual agency in the context of labor migration.
By comparing the structural and experiential dimensions of Uzbek labor migration in distinct European contexts, this paper contributes to broader scholarly debates on migration governance, labor market informalization, and post-Soviet mobility. It argues that these emerging migration corridors from Central Asia are reshaping not only the peripheries of European labor markets but also the dynamics of development and transnational engagement in Uzbekistan itself. The findings underscore the need to reconceptualize Central Asian migration not merely as a reaction to economic hardship, but as a negotiated process shaped by state strategies, transnational networks, and global labor demands.
Abstract
This paper explores how qandastar, ethnic Kazakhs who repatriated to Kazakhstan after 1991 from countries such as China, Mongolia, Uzbekistan, and Russia, perceive the history of Kazakhstan and construct a sense of national belonging. Although Kazakhstan’s repatriation policy has received scholarly attention in relation to integration challenges and migration governance, little is known about how qandastar engage with the historical narratives of their ancestral homeland. This study addresses that gap by investigating their knowledge of Kazakh history, their sources of historical information, and their emotional and intellectual attachment to key historical events, figures, and periods.
Based on a mixed-methods research project conducted in 2024 and 2025, this paper draws on data from a nationwide survey of 2,000 repatriated Kazakhs, six focus groups, and 50 in-depth interviews across urban and rural regions of Kazakhstan. All participants were born and educated outside Kazakhstan and migrated Kazakhstan gained its independence. The study examines how transnational memory, diaspora experience, and post-migration adaptation influence their historical consciousness.
The findings show that while many qandastar have limited exposure to formal historical education about Kazakhstan prior to migration, they often possess strong emotional ties to historical identity. Their knowledge is frequently shaped by oral histories, family narratives, diasporic memory, and digital platforms such as YouTube and social media. Many participants expressed skepticism toward official state narratives, favoring localized and genealogical understandings of history rooted in tribal affiliation and regional identity. The study also reveals a tension between the desire to “reclaim” national history and the exclusion or distortion of that history in their countries of origin.
This research contributes to literature on postcolonial memory, diaspora identity, and nation-building in Central Asia. It argues that qandastar are not passive recipients of state history but active interpreters who engage with and sometimes challenge dominant narratives. Their hybrid experiences complicate linear state-building projects and offer new insights into how historical memory is reconstructed in post-Soviet contexts.