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Abstract

This study draws on framing theory and agenda-setting theory to examine how the Bloody January event in 2022 (Qandy Qantar in the Kazakh language and from hereinafter referred to simply as “Bloody January”) was presented by state media outlets. In particular, the study seeks to answer the following question: "How did Kazakhstan’s state-owned media disseminate the event’s main flashpoints throughout the country?" For this purpose, the paper conducted a discourse analysis of two leading media outlets, both of which are fully funded by the government. The first media outlet is Kaztelradio Corporation's TV channel Qazaqstan; and the second is Egemen Qazaqstan, a government-owned Kazakh language newspaper. In order to paint a holistic picture of the events, the content subject to analysis was selected from when the event started and ended, namely from 3 January 2022 to 7 January 2022. A total of n=65 newspaper articles and n=160 breaking news articles were analyzed, the results from which show that state media contributed significantly to the government's attempt at agenda setting. Specifically, the state media was found to have framed Bloody January in four main ways: marginalizing and ignoring ordinary voices; blaming the protesters; justifying the government's decisions; and providing false explanations.

Keywords: Agenda setting, frame-building, Qandy Qantar, Egemen Qazaqstan, Qazaqstan TV channel, CDA

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Abstract

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), announced in 2013, by Xi Jinping in

Kazakhstan at Nazarbayev University, resonates deeply in Central Asia due to its

historical connection to the ancient Silk Road trade, which flourished until the mid-

fifteenth century. This historical context predisposes many Central Asians to

embrace the BRI concept. Focused on infrastructure-driven connectivity, China’s

BRI offers Central Asian countries practical and cost-effective means to enhance

their intraregional and cross-border connectivity through the construction of

transport and other infrastructure projects.

This study investigates how the BRI is represented in Kazakhstani media,

employing content analysis of the Qazaqstan TV channel (151 news items) and the

Azattyq Ruhy news agency (317 news items). Overall, 468 news items will be

analyzed. By systematically examining news broadcasts, articles, and opinion

pieces, the research aims to identify predominant themes, sentiments, and framing

techniques used in BRI coverage. Preliminary findings reveal a complex interplay

of national interests, economic opportunities, and geopolitical considerations

shaping media discourse. Most of the news focuses on economics, trade,

investment, and infrastructure, while the cultural exchange aspect of the Silk Road

is less covered.

The BRI is often depicted as a catalyst for economic growth and infrastructure

development, though concerns about sovereignty, economic dependence, and

regional security are also prominent.

This study will contribute to understanding how global initiatives like the BRI are

localized in national media and provide insights into Kazakhstan's strategic

positioning within the initiative.

The discussion will also involve other factors such as cultural and diplomatic

impact that played a big role in the representation of the Belt and Road Initiative

(BRI) in Central Asian countries.

Keywords: China-Kazakhstan, Central Asia, BRI, content analysis.

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Abstract

Kazakhstan promotes active citizenship and introduced state-sanctioned consultative bodies such as public councils into an existing illiberal public administration system. The state granted relative autonomous status to public councils and at the same time imposes informal control on social problem resolution by council members. This study aims to examine why local state bodies informally control socio-economic problem resolution by regional public councils in Kazakhstan. For that purpose, this research applies Teets’ consultative authoritarianism framework, which suggests the state encourages a fairly autonomous civil society and subjects them to indirect differentiated state control. The data has been collected in four regional public councils of Kazakhstan through semi-structured interviews (N=70) and non-participant observations of public councils’ meetings with state bodies. The findings suggest that local state bodies informally control socio-economic problem resolution to secure state officials' interests and for the benefit of national and regional business elites. As an example, some socio-economic problems related to public transportation and housing prone to corruption and entail state officials’ financial interests, which pushes the local state officials to informally control the public councils’ decisions on these problems. Also, business elites’ financial projects that are subject to public council discussions, due to the informal state control fail to serve for the benefit of the general public. This study contributes to the literature on consultative mechanisms in authoritarian settings such as Kazakhstan.