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This article analyzes Kazakh media - discourse on the perception of China and the Chinese initiative «one belt, one road». The BRI envisages many joint Kazakh-Chinese projects. In recent years, the implementation of these projects has led to active discussion of BRI and Kazakh-Chinese relations in Kazakhstan’s media discourse and has been one of the reasons for the rise of anti-Chinese sentiment in the country. In this research work the following newspapers were selected for analysis: Egemen Kazakstan [Independent Kazakhstan], Kazakhstanskaia Pravda [Truth of Kazakhstan], Zhas Alash [Young Alash], Vremia [Time], Liter, DAT, and Aikyn. The criteria for selecting the newspaper are based on the form of ownership (state and private) and the language of publication (Kazakh and Russian). In the course of the research, 219 articles in the Kazakh language and 222 articles in Russian were analyzed. The results of the research showed that the discourse analysis of Kazakh newspapers is quite diverse depending on the language segment and form of ownership. State and private newspapers affiliated with quasi-state enterprises in the Russian language contain the most positive discourse. This corresponds to the political direction of the country and shows Kazakh-Chinese relations as mutually beneficial and friendly. Frequent newspapers contain more critical discourses in both languages, mostly directed at Kazakhstan’s political power and how it deals with China, and some critics have seen aspects of synophobia. If we talk about the state newspapers in the Kazakh language, we can say that the discourse there is mostly positive at first glance, but if we study in more detail, we can see the subtle and subtle views on the dynamic development of the Kazakh-China’s relationship, which raises many questions.

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Central Asia, as a geopolitical region, lies to the south of the Russian Federation. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Central Asia began the political process of state construction. However, ethnic and border disputes within Central Asia remain the factor influencing regional instability, which may spill over and undermine the national security of Russia and even China. Russia also seeks to reintegrate Central Asia at the security level, including building a vertical alliance structure in the region under the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). The academic community has rarely conducted in-depth and detailed exploration of the link between Russia's security interaction with Central Asia and intra-regional disputes. After collating a large number of historical materials in English and Russian, the article proposes an analytical framework of alliance binding based on the cross-border ethnic groups that exist in Central Asia, exploring the relationship between intra-state crises in Central Asia, as well as the cross-border ethnic disputes in the Fergana Valley and Russian security policy, and finds that Russia uses multilateral and bilateral tools to restrain the diplomatic direction of Central Asian countries and buffer the inter-state disputes.

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Iran-Central Asia relations divided Iranian elites into two categories. Those closer to the ideology of the Islamic Republic considered Central Asian states to be Muslim countries freed from the Soviet Union and ready to reunite with the Islamic World. In order to attract people from Central Asia to the Islamic Republic of Iran, this group wanted to increase religious propaganda in the region. On the other hand, another group of elites with nationalist tendencies saw the Central Asian

countries as part of the Greater Iran. These newly independent states were freed from the domination of Slavic culture and were ready to return to Iranian culture. However, after thirty years of independence, neither of these views has come true. The Central Asian states, whose identity building was their primary concern, have not given a significant place to their

Iranian/Islamic heritage in the process of their identity building.

According to constructivism, identity is a dynamic phenomenon. This means that the actors in international relations not only define their own identity and position in international relations but also construct the identities of other actors according to their own interests. We will try to identify the constructed image of Iran in Central Asian countries. Similar

to their Soviet counterparts, the new states of Central Asia use formal education to transmit their favorable narratives of history. As a result, history textbooks can be a suitable source for identifying the constructed image of Iran in these countries. As a result, we have studied history textbooks in Central Asia to know what image of Iran has been constructed by the governments. We use the thematic analysis method to find the answers to our questions.

The main question of this article is what image of Iran has been constructed by the governments of Central Asia?

The main hypothesis of this article is that Central Asian governments have deliberately and systematically tried to create a weak and unrealistic image of Iran by downplaying Iran's role in the region. However, one of the main reasons for this approach of the governments of the region is the concern about the spread of political Islam in the Islamic Republic. Finally, the result of this article is to get a better understanding of the regional government point of view towards Iran and to get to know the position of Iran in the countries of the region compared to other Central Asian neighbors.

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“Especially after the success of Turkish drones in various conflicts from Syria to Libya and from Ethiopia to Azerbaijan, the purchase of Turkish defence industry products has been an important dimension of Turkey-Central Asia relation. This effort is a further step within the context of already existent trend of acquisition of Turkish defence products in the Central Asian Republics after the independence. Amidst Chinese BRI efforts and increasing use of the Russkiy Mir by the Russian elite, this trend and deepening of the Organization of Turkic States deserves an higher level of attention. Thus, whether and how Turkish efforts can irritate and/or contribute to the Russian and Chinese efforts in the region is an important question. The defence industry cooperation of the Central Asian Republics has long been discussed as an area where Russia could sustain its control over the region. Therefore, the Turkish entrance to the market and possible intensification of Chinese efforts to penetrate the market are important topics to see not only the possible changes on the subject but also in general to the future of Central Asian Republics especially after the war in Ukraine since next steps of Russia might be in the region. Thus, this piece will discuss the Turkey-Central Asia defence cooperation, specific agreements and purchases, and also its implications for the region and big power rivalry in the region.”