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My research is interested in empirical investigation of the nature of Turkish influence in Serbia, using soft power as a theoretical framework concept. Covering the period between 2009-2018, this contemporary study focuses on the subject country, in this case Serbia, in order to measure the efficiency of soft power mechanisms in an EU candidate country whose national foundation myth is diametrically opposed to Turkey. In the light of recent political and economic expansion of Turkey, numerous events challenged the bilateral relationship of the two countries and therefore necessitated novel and pragmatic approaches. This paper will trace the impact of soft power over decision-making processes in Serbia, which one the other hand resulted in improving cooperation and enhancing stronger Turkish presence in the region.

The resources of Turkish soft power include several actors, divided into state, non-state and mixed entities. The state actors are represented through the officials of the Turkish Embassy, the foreign assistance programs of the Turkish Agency for Cooperation and Coordination (TIKA), and the "Yunus Emre" Cultural Institute. The non-state actors cover the influence of the mega-popular soap operas, while the mixed actors refer to the parties involved in economic cooperation. While the state actors work in synchronization, the others often assist them or affect a population that is not necessarily concerned with politics. Using semi-structured in-depth interviews as method of analysis, the paper will illustrate the tangled relations between these actors, aiming at composing the complex mosaic of creating "attraction," as main currency of soft power.

I argue that Nye`s theoretical concept of soft power is incompatible for addressing the Turkish model, as it pays insufficient attention to economy as major resource of soft power, particularly in a region and a period when values of neo-liberal democracy are being widely questioned. Not only is Turkey unable to profess democratic values and rule of law, but the subject country, being a good example of stabilocracy, is not particularly interested in importing such values either. Due to various historical burdens, as well as limping economy, Serbia adopted quite a pragmatic approach in its politics, which on the other hand was capitalized by Turkey, in terms of exploring economy as means of spreading influence and positioning as regional leader. Using soft power as a framework concept, this study will aim to capture the nature of Turkish influence in Serbia.

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The Fairy Tale "Blue Bead" is one of the most elaborate fairy tales in Azeri folklore. It tells a story of a supernatural boy, who is born as a result of his mother accidentally ingesting a blue bead, and his revenge against his uncle's killer. This fairy tale gives a glimpse into the familial relationships and duty in the Azeri culture of the time and features a non-traditional familial bond between an ogre (dev) and humans. It was first published by the Soviet-Azeri folklorist, who was a pioneer in his field, Hanefi Zeynalli in his book "Azerbaijani Turkic Fairy Tales" in Russian in 1935, where he draws similarities to the Armenian fairytale of "Kosa". The Azeri reprint of the fairytale with certain additions was published in 2006. "Blue Bead" is controversial both in Azerbaijan and Armenia due to its violent contents and profane language drawing widespread criticism from the media outlets in both countries. In Azerbaijan, it came under fire for being too profane and too cruel, while in Armenia it was criticized for the same reasons and was used to showcase the "immorality" of Azeri culture, despite the tale "Kosa" having a similar premise.

The analysis and rebuttal of this rhetoric are important to better understand the politics of folklore of post-soviet Azerbaijan and Armenia so as to conduct unbiased and credible research. It will significantly contribute to the understanding of the Transcaucasian folklore and the common identity between its peoples.

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This paper is about rural/urban inequalities and how that manifestation of uneven development functions as a form of dispossession. The goal is to show the link between dispossession and development in the context of alienation of minorities who are belonging, but also not belonging, in the imagined "nation-state" (Simpson 2011; Byrd 2015; Moreton-Robinson 2015). The link between dispossession and development shows the ways in which being both included and excluded in the state is a part of the structural violence of poverty (Gupta 2012). Meanwhile, the real and imagined divide between the rural and urban perpetuates further dispossession realities and development discourses (Lefebvre 2003 [1970]; Harms 2011), and the production of space in racial terms within national geographies (Saldana-Portillo 2016).

This paper focuses on Uyghur rural migrants in Urumqi, the capital city of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region with a population of over four million. A repeating theme in the interviews emerges as the city being both oppressive and liberating. Above all, migrants come to the city seeking work and a better life for their children. However, Uyghur migrants face significant economic and cultural stress when they arrive in the city. Uyghurs have significantly more cultural, social and institutional barriers to access to resources in the city. Drawing from these findings in interviews with 43 Uyghurs and ethnographic participant-observation over the course of 24 months in Urumqi from 2014-2017, I ask the questions: How do Uyghur rural migrants in Urumqi experience urban life and socioeconomic inequality along classed and gendered lines? How does uneven development shape social formation among Uyghurs? How does the rural/urban divide as a socially constructed yet material reality shape life histories and trajectories? The purpose of this paper is to show the ways the territorial state dispossesses the rural poor and alienates minorities by producing uneven development between the rural and the urban, and the way this affects people's lives. This is the story of authoritarian-capitalist dispossession of rural livelihoods, and the historical and territorial dispossession of homeland.