Paper long abstract:

This paper gives an overview of new trajectories and creative convergences in gender studies in Central Asia. A wealth of research on this subject demonstrates convergences and a growing international collaboration among scholars, artists and activists, which stimulate new research trajectories. These directions include developing queer studies, studies of desire and political activism, gender justice through art, activism, and scholarly work, and an intersection of gender and class in regional masculinities and femininities.

Paper long abstract:

This papers aims to study how young Western educated generation of Kazakhs percept and what do they feel toward official or state run ideology of nationalism and gender. Kazakhstan started from 2017 program of reforms, which is officially recognized as "Third Wave of Modernization" and program of "Spiritual Renovation" (Rukhani Zhaghy) is part of this modernization reform. Third Wave of Modernization according tot he the Presidential speech should touch all areas of society from economics to national identity. Special focus is given to the spread of sense of belonging to the Motherland means Kazakhstan, development of patriotism. President of the country, Nursultan Nazarbaeyv in his official announcement of this reform program underlined in the paragraph number there idea of of "saving national identity" and "our national traditions and customs, language, music, literature and marriage rituals, - by other word, national spirit should stay forever with us (http://www.akorda.kz/ru/events/akorda_news/press_conferences/statya-glavy-gosudarstva-vzglyad-v-budushchee-modernizaciya-obshchestvennogo-soznaniya).

In my future article I argue: first, Kazakhstani youth, who is in the process or already have western style, international education is going through ideological and identity search (if not a crisis), where they (youth) want to be global and cosmopolitan, but at the same time they feel quite hard nationalistic pressure in terms of gender roles. Second, gender roles, projected by state and large part of society idealistic vision (which is often based on romanticized and imagined past in ac accordance B. Anderson`s concept of imagined community ) of the Kazakh woman is one of the central, if not the major field of conflicts between youth and male-centric nationalism. Nationalistic vison of gender roles, where women expected to be "modest" and "obedient" does not attract and even get a resistance from part of internationally educated Kazakh youth.

Third, I argue that even by identifying themselves as pro-Western, cosmopolitan and globalist, this part of Kazakh youth is also have deep nationalistic sentiments. Senses of belonging to the Kazakh nation and Kazakh culture are wide spread among them. I follow Craig Calhoun`s points (Calhoun 2004:250) that "…it is impossible not to belong to social groups, relations, or culture. The idea of individuals abstract enough to be able to choose all their "identifications" is deeply misleading. Versions of this idea are, however, widespread in liberal cosmopolitanism" By other words, this it hard to find "pure" cosmopolitans or nationalist among pro-Western educated and oriented Kazakh youth today.

Paper long abstract:

What explains the fact that despite being underrepresented in politics, women in Kyrgyzstan have at least modified if not significantly determined state policy in key issue areas affecting processes of political transition? This analysis identifies the mechanism responsible for this surprising outcome, which lies in the crucial intersection between formal and informal institutions of political power. Despite underrepresentation at the national and local levels, women in Kyrgyzstan impact policy because, I argue, they utilize informal institutions of political power to access formal institutions of political power where decisions are made. Underrepresentation in formal channels of power does not preclude them from asserting their rights because they astutely mobilize in civil society organizations that work closely with women who are in government. I analyze the intersection of formal and informal institutions of political power in Kyrgyzstan by focusing on three cases of successful policy change initiated by women: 1) the introduction of a national gender quota, 2) the introduction of a sub-national gender quota, and 3) the introduction of a harsher penalty for bride theft. Stimulated by civil society activism, the first success enabled the second and third victories.

Paper long abstract:

When I started researching LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) issues in Central Asia in 2007, the topic was met with considerable skepticism. However, by 2015, the field of Central Asian Studies was eager for information concerning LGBT populations, particularly in the wake of gay propaganda bills put forward in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan. While considerable research has been done on LGBT populations in Kyrgyzstan through non-governmental organizations (NGOs), little of this research is published for academic audiences. Furthermore, little research has been done at all on the other countries of Central Asia. The purpose of this paper is twofold: first, it reviews the trends in the study of LGBT populations, and second addresses the applicability of queer theory in Central Asian Studies. Queer theory and the practice of "queering" challenge social norms and invite the reading of history and the present from multiple perspectives. While often associated with LGBT studies, queer theory can be applied more broadly than simply examining LGBT issues or populations and provides a useful analytic to issues such as gender, sexuality, and marginalized populations. Here I ask both why study LGBT populations in Central Asia and what does queer theory, in its broadest applications, have to offer Central Asian Studies? From pioneering literature by Cai Wilkinson and Anna Kirey to recent publication by Marc von Boemcken, Hafiz Boboyorov, and Nina Bagdasarova, LGBT and queer studies have shed light on multiple aspects of life in Central Asia, including political organizing (Wilkinson and Kirey 2010; Kirey 2011; Wilkinson 2014), nationalism (Buelow 2012, 2017), and safety strategies for marginalized communities (Wilkinson and Kirey 2010; Boemcken, Boboyorov, and Bagdasarova 2018). Finally, I ask audience members to reflect on how queer theory might influence their own studies.