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- Convenor:
-
Roy May
(Coventry University)
- Stream:
- History, politics and urban studies
- Location:
- Khalili Lecture Theatre
- Start time:
- 11 September, 2006 at
Time zone: Europe/London
- Session slots:
- 1
Short Abstract:
to follow
Long Abstract:
Since their belated independence in 1975, Africa's Lusophone countries have followed divergent and often difficult political trajectories. The papers that make up the panel examine the current status of three countries at different stages of political development. The most optimistic study considers Cape Verde, the island state that has constructed a credible and entrenched democratic culture that has been the basis of a high per capita income compared with most of Africa. Mozambique, on the other hand is still struggling with the processes of democratic transition. Finally, Guinea-Bissau, despite the recent elections remains politically fragile, potentially susceptible to coups and rebellion.
Accepted papers:
Session 1Roy May (Coventry University)
Paper long abstract:
This paper assesses the claim that Cape Verde is one of the foremost democracies in Africa. Based on research conducted in November 2005, the paper explores the nature of Cape Verde's democracy by examining the electoral process, the role of political parties, the functioning of the National assembly, civil and political rights, civil society and economic equality. The paper argues that electoral democracy and democratic values appear to be embedded in the country's structures. However, the economic basis of the country is still weak with a dependence on foreign aid and remittances from the diaspora. A number of problems exist to be addressed in the short to medium term. These include the role of the diaspora vote, the country's relations with the European Union and Africa, increasing immigration from Africa, Cape Verde's position as an entrepot for the drugs trade and different levels of poverty between the islands that make up the archipelago. Despite these problems the paper concludes that the future for Cape Verde remains optimistic.
Simon Massey (Coventry University)
Paper long abstract:
The civil war in Guinea-Bissau between 1998 and 1999 set back political, economic and social development in an already unstable and fragile state. In the wake of the conflict the UN established the Peace-building Support Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNOGBIS). There were four strands to its mandate. Primarily, it was charged with creating an enabling environment for peace-building and reconciliation. Secondly, it was to help the government disarm the populace. Thirdly, it was to facilitate understanding and cooperation between Guinea-Bissau and neighbouring countries, the international community and the regional organisation the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Finally, UNOGBIS was to move the democratic process forward, restore the rule of law, and oversee a set of elections that would establish genuine democratic institutions. Seven years after its formation only faltering progress has been made toward the fulfilment of the mandate with the country suffering a series of coups d'etat, attempted coups d'etat, political assassinations, a fractured political space, continued conflict with militia elements in neighbouring Senegal and worsening poverty. The paper examines the record of UNOGBIS and questions whether internal procedures and external relations with other stakeholders in the peace-building process obstructed its ability to address the mandate. It questions whether UNOGBIS was 'fit for purpose', why the process of knowledge transfer failed, and why the UN in Guinea-Bissau did not achieve the status of a learning organisation.
Lars Buur (Roskilde University)
Paper long abstract:
The paper will explore the logic(s) and representational strategies characterising what has been termed 'decentralised or de-concentrated governance' and 'civil society participation in development', which are in the process of taking form in Mozambique. Since the General Peace Accord of 1992, Mozambique has embarked on a protracted process of democratic decentralisation and civil society building. While Municipal Law 2 of 1997 made provision for elected local governments in only 33 urban municipalities, primarily the rural areas of Mozambique have, over the last six years and on a more general level, experimented with a variety of new forms of 'appointed' and '(s)elected' 'representational' governance that so far have been denied general, local franchise. As part of de-concentrating the central state's stranglehold over development planning and 'gradually' accustoming rural subjects/citizens to some kind of representational governance, two types of participatory distric!
t planning modalities have been institutionalised. On one hand, around 4,000 community authorities have been recognised since 2002 following the passing of Decree 15 of 2000. On the other hand, the 2001 Guide - later written into law as part of the regulation of the 2003 law for local state organs - has formally allowed for rural populations' participation in district planning and development.
Where Decree's community approach to representation establishes new sites for the production of citizen/subjects based on a local leader's representation of a territory-based community and not on the basis of the individual membership in the polis, the Guide promises the institutionalisation of a new type of radical representation where local communities 'choose' their representatives in a fine-grained web of representational development committees and participatory councils. The paper analyses how these new types of representation have been appropriated by local Frelimo and state officials - bringing into play a range of theoretical questions related to governmentality, civil society construction and sovereignty.