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- Convenors:
-
Agustin Diz
(University of Edinburgh)
Doris Okenwa (University of Oxford)
Fuad Musallam (University of Birmingham)
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- Stream:
- Irresponsibility and Failure
- Sessions:
- Monday 29 March, -
Time zone: Europe/London
Short Abstract:
From the streets of London to the tributaries of the Amazon, blockades are an increasingly prevalent and successful form of protest. This panel explores blockades ethnographically to understand how they operate, why they succeed or fail, and what they tell us about contemporary politics.
Long Abstract:
From the streets of London and Beirut, to the tributaries of the Amazon river and the rural towns of Kenya, blockades are an increasingly prevalent and productive form of protest. By disrupting the circulation of goods, labour and people, blockades identify systemic failures and attribute and demand responsibility. They occupy public spaces to draw attention to injustices, demand recognition and redistribution or ask for mediation. Unlike sabotage or strike actions that are effective because they target production, blockades succeed by interrupting flows. They locate and interrupt points of connection, while destabilising and resignifying infrastructures. They cause chaos and striate smooth spaces, providing avenues for subversion but also complicity and inclusion. At times they appear to constitute reverse forms of interpellation that demand the state’s attention and are often taken up by new or fluid political formations. This panel will explore blockades to understand how they operate, why they succeed or fail, and what they might tell us about politics in the contemporary world. Potential questions include: In what ways do blockades interact with labour processes at a time of widespread precarity and unemployment? How do they reformulate experiences of citizenship and belonging, particularly for disenfranchised populations unable to rely on political parties or labour unions? How are blockades made and performed? To what extent do they rely on pre-existing gender relations or how might they reconfigure them? What is the relationship between blockades as tactics and broader causes and strategic goals? How do blockaders attribute responsibility and identify systemic failures?
Accepted papers:
Session 1 Monday 29 March, 2021, -Paper short abstract:
This essay the Inner Line Permit movement in Manipur, India and the relationship between ethnicity, protest and political agency.I argue that blockades and marches of protest are symbolic political action that opens to an imagined set of possibilities towards continuance of everyday political life.
Paper long abstract:
What does a view from the lived and messy realities from a site of protest offer ? This essay discusses how a mass movement to re-introduce a colonial bureaucratic policy to protect indigenous peoples was performed through lockdown and blockade in India. I discuss the Inner Line Permit or ILP – a document issued by the decree of state government towards domestic travel in the protected areas of certain Indian states. Through the people’s movement to implement the permit – this essay explores the relationship between ethnicity, protest and political agency in a city that is at the margins of Indian political life. I draw upon my ethnographic research conducted in the state of Manipur in 2015. I argue the blockades and marches of protest during the ILP movement were imbibed with a regenerative potential, or instances of licensed transgression and suspension of social hierarchies – an institutionalised, repeating cycle of performances geared towards the strengthening of intra-communal ties. The blockades are symbolic or actual political action that opens to an imagined set of possibilities towards the continuance of the day to day of political life. I suggest, ILP is more than a material artefact of the state; rather through the protests the Meitei community articulated a political voice towards amplifying their disconcert over other ethnic communities of Manipur. The paradigms of protest engages with historical and sociological complexities of northeastern politics in India.
Paper short abstract:
Road-blocks in Bolivia are usually a protest form used by rural subaltern groups, but following Bolivia’s presidential election in 2019, were used by middle- and upper-class urban Bolivians to portray their protest against the re-election of Evo Morales as a popular insurrection.
Paper long abstract:
Road-blocks carry a weighty history in Bolivian politics. Since indigenous resistance leader Tupak Katari led a blockade which starved many people in the city of La Paz in 1781, road-blocks have been a weapon of the weak (Scott 1985): a tool used by otherwise powerless rural peasants against tyrannical, urban-centred government. Evo Morales came to power as Bolivia’s first indigenous president in 2005 after leading such protests against privatisation of Bolivia’s resources and the heavy-handed eradication of coca by neoliberal governments, which had left many people destitute. Following the 2019 Bolivian presidential election, road-blocks by urban, overwhelmingly middle- and upper-class, Bolivians therefore carried a heavy symbolism. Wealthy Bolivians led protests against Evo Morales after he ignored the result of a 2016 election referendum on whether he should be allowed to run for a fourth term, and the supposed fraud that allowed him to win the election outright. The road-blocks highlighted fault lines between protesters who could afford not to work, and those who lived hand to mouth, often leading to physical street confrontations between the two. However, when Evo Morales was deposed (after being strongly ‘advised’ to step down by the military), it was the road-blocks over more than two weeks that was used by many to argue that it was the result of an uprising by ‘the people’, rather than a coup. These road-blocks were used by a significant subsection of the population to claim legitimacy as ‘the people’ and to de-legitimise counter-protesters.
Paper short abstract:
The paper discusses the challenges in the employment of direct actions’ tactics, in the form of blockades, in the national strike in Ecuador, in October 2019. It was implemented for 11 days in 30 places in the territory of Kayambi people, raising dilemmas for the strikers and the public in general.
Paper long abstract:
During the national strike in October 2019 in Ecuador, the Kayambi people adapted their lives to take part in the marches and blockades in their territory and in the capital, Quito. This paper discusses the challenges raised in the employment of direct action’s tactic, in the form of blockades, in more than 30 places in their territory, over a period of 11 days. It narrates the reflections that emerged among the participants about this practice of direct action, based on an ethnographic approach that describes deeply the before and after the strike and based on interviews with strikers from different communities of Kayambi territory. The practice of blockades, well spread among indigenous peoples in the Americas (Graeber 2009:247), has also been used by the indigenous movement in Ecuador at least after the 1990s (de la Torre, 2006). Since then, the Ecuadorian state has also been using the Security Law to criminalize the social protest, considering blockades and other tactics as acts of terrorism (Salazar Marin, 2010). Despite that fact, indigenous peoples continued using this tactic in the national strike in 2019. However, the protesters faced several dilemmas while employing blockades during the 11 day of the strike, such as the ir/responsibilities of maintaining it, its impact on the local and national economy, the use of violence by the strikers against police repression, the participation of women, the care work that is necessary in the streets and within the houses, and the effectiveness of the tactic for achieving the strikers’ objective.
Paper short abstract:
While hostage-taking may be interpreted as an act of unilateral violence, the Chicham of Ecuadorian Amazonia deploy it as an act of hospitality, transforming aggressors into willing listeners and blockade into an opportunity for political redress.
Paper long abstract:
If blockades interrupt flows by targeting strategic points of connection, kidnapping does so by taking hold of the party of confrontation. The act of blocking people disrupts the flow of power itself and recreates the site confrontation, forcing the adversary to activate dialogue. Hostage-taking is often associated with terrorism or ransom methods by criminal gangs, the reason why it is no longer considered a legitimate form of protest by many activists and labour movements around the world. In the Ecuadorian Amazon, however, the Chicham [ex-Jivaro] often block members of the armed forces, of multinational companies, and the civil service who encroach their territory. This is as an eminently diplomatic manoeuvre and, more generally, an established 'local repertoire' of political action against injustices. While hostage-taking may be interpreted as an act of unilateral violence – as framed in legal prosecutions –, the Chicham use it as an act of hospitality toward their opponents: for example, by feeding and caring for the hostages and introducing them to the plights of the locals through involvement in community activities. By familiarizing the hostages as ‘guests’, the Chicham prompt them to feel empathy for their hosts and to take responsibility for their acts. If the ‘Stockholm syndrome’ is commonly depicted as a pathological phenomenon whereby the hostage develops an empathetic bond with the aggressor, the Chicham see the hostage as the aggressor, and their act of capture as a way to transform cold acts of aggression into opportunities for political redress.