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- Convenors:
-
Paula Schrode
(University of Bayreuth)
Abdoulaye Ibrahim Bachir (University of Bayreuth)
Eylem Camuroglu Cig (Universität Bayreuth)
Send message to Convenors
- Format:
- Panel
- Stream:
- Location-based African Studies: Discrepancies and Debates
- Location:
- S58 (RW I)
- Sessions:
- Wednesday 2 October, -, -
Time zone: Europe/Berlin
Short Abstract:
This panel asks how recent projects of Turkish companies, NGOs, Islamic foundations etc. in Sub-Saharan Africa reflect Turkey's ambitions to reconfigure their relations with Africa, how these projects are framed by Turkish actors and media, and how they are received by local people.
Long Abstract:
Since the early 2000s, Turkey's political agenda of „opening to Africa“ (Afrika'ya açılım) has also been embraced by a variety of non-state actors: in addition to governmental institutions, many Turkish companies and civil society actors, including a number of Islamic associations and foundations, are pursuing projects in areas such as infrastructure, humanitarian aid, education, and health across Sub-Saharan Africa. Many of these projects launched by civil society actors are framed with reference to Islam, emphasizing shared religious identity between Turkish and African Muslims: by presenting Turkey as non-Western and non-colonial power, but at the same time as standing in continuity with past achievements of the Ottomans, Turkish identity is intended to be an asset in reconfiguring relations with the African continent.
This panel invites contributions that address the ways in which the Turkish presence in Africa is represented and given meaning: How do Turkish actors frame their activities in African countries and what narratives are used? How is Africa portrayed in the Turkish media and what image do they paint of Turkish activities in Africa? What role do national and religious identifications play in these discourses, and what larger reconfigurations of relations between African and Turkish societies are being envisioned? At the same time, we want to ask how Turkish projects are received and portrayed by the local population and media: What visions, hopes or concerns are associated with the presence of Turkish actors in African countries, and by whom? Contributions from all disciplines and regional specialties are welcome.
Accepted papers:
Session 1 Wednesday 2 October, 2024, -Paper short abstract:
This paper will analyse Turkish activities in sub-Saharan Africa as an important element in the reinvention of Turkish-Muslim identity in the AKP era.
Paper long abstract:
In this paper, I will argue that Turkish activities in sub-Saharan Africa are an important element in the reinvention of Turkish-Muslim identity in the AKP era. Using the discourse of a Turkish Islamic NGO and interviews with its members, I aim to show how their work is charged with meaning through references to Islam and the Turkish nation and how this feeds into a broader political discourse. While Turkish foreign policy is commonly understood as a strategy to build soft power abroad, I will emphasise the processes of identity construction among activists that align with the government's visions of a pious nation playing a central role in the Islamic world.
Paper short abstract:
This present project has the particularity to be interested on Turkey, a country absent from the colonial enterprise and little known as a land of industrial productions – compared to China, the United States, etc. – and female entrepreneurship under construction on the fringes of the mechanisms str
Paper long abstract:
During a virtual immersion on Facebook in 2022, we observed young Muslim activists inviting their followers to visit online shopping sites for their clothing needs from Turkey. These industrial products, considered cheap and good quality, have expanded the range of consumables for Muslims accustomed to the clothing tradition of Arab-Muslim countries. This communication focuses on the circulation of products and the economic market under construction between Ivory Coast and Turkey, an Eurasian country whose international policy – known as Opening up to Africa – has opened this destination to Africa since the end of the 1990s. Initially led by socio-economic entrepreneurs, these exchanges have taken on the appearance of Soft Power in which marketing strategies for the products of Turkish industries are deployed. Scientific productions on the migratory experiences of Africans towards Arab-Muslim countries (Algeria, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Morocco, etc.) are quite instructive on the circulation of knowledge and goods at the heart of this north-south and south-south cooperation.
This present project has the particularity to be interested on Turkey, a country absent from the colonial enterprise and little known as a land of industrial productions – compared to China, the United States, etc. – and female entrepreneurship under construction on the fringes of the mechanisms structuring international trade. It studies these women both as actors (through their migratory trajectories, fields of activities, etc.) and objects (subjects of analysis on the changes observed in the sphere of entrepreneurship, especially in the circulation of ideas and know-how of sub-Saharan women).
Paper short abstract:
This paper focuses on Turkish foreign policy towards Niger by analyzing the 'Istanbulawa' narrative, which claims the Turkish origin of the Sultanate of Agadez, and its implications. It also examines the appropriation of this narrative by the sultanate, promoted by the current Turkish government.
Paper long abstract:
This paper examines the 'Istanbulawa' narrative and its implications in the context of the neo-Ottoman narratives promoted by the AKP government. The term "Istanbulawa" means "people from Istanbul" in Hausa and is associated with the Ottoman heritage of the Sultanate of Agadez in northern Niger. The Istanbulawa narrative was widely used in both countries after the establishment of new diplomatic relations in 2012 with the opening of the Turkish embassy in Niger, followed by the visit of Turkish President Erdogan in 2013. During this visit, Erdogan pledged to build a 400km road, which he named the "Istanbulawa Road", in the Agadez region, in tribute to this historical link. After this visit, Niger and particularly Agadez became attractive to the Turkish media and several government institutions and NGOs. In this article, I analyze the strategic use of Istanbulawa as part of the neo-Ottoman narratives of the AKP government, but also the appropriation of these narratives by the Sultanate of Agadez. I argue that Istanbulawa reflects the translation of Ottoman romanticism/nostalgia into a diplomatic strategy aimed at legitimizing the Turkish presence in Niger and establishing a durable influence. Furthermore, I argue that the appropriation of these narratives by the Sultanate of Agadez is due to the desire to strengthen its historical legitimacy but also to the benefits that it brings to the Sultanate and Agadez. My analyses are based on ethnographic data gathered during my fieldwork in Turkey and Niger in 2021, as well as secondary sources.
Paper short abstract:
This paper focuses on the legacy of the Ottoman scholar Abu Bakr Effendi and how it becomes a site of contestation and competition in today's South Africa. Studying the heritage practises of Turkish state and non-state actors, it shows how Ottoman memory becomes leverage in Turkey-Africa relations.
Paper long abstract:
This presentation focuses on the constructions and contestations of the Islamic religious authority of Abu Bakr Effendi (1814-1880) in South Africa. Abu Bakr Effendi arrived in Cape Town in 1962 as the emissary of the Ottoman Sultan Abdülaziz to teach Islamic law and resolve the religious conflicts within the Muslim community (van Bruinessen 2000). The nineteenth century Muslim community of Cape Town mainly composed of the political exiles and slaves brought from the East Indies by the Dutch colonial authorities. Abu Bakr Effendi established Muslim schools and wrote the first Afrikaans Ajami book on the religious obligations of Islam. As an Ottoman scholar, he followed the Hanafi school of law whereas the ‘Malay community’ was predominantly Shafi’i. The legacy of Abu Bakr Effendi’s religious authority is a site of contestation and competition in today’s South Africa. On the one hand, Turkish governmental bodies and heritage entrepreneurs have recently put tremendous amount of effort in ‘preserving’ his memory by renovating his tomb, including him in the museums of Islamic heritage in Cape Town, and most remarkably, by granting citizenship to his descendants. On the other hand, South African Muslims remain more skeptical about his contributions to Islam in South Africa and the contemporary Turkish efforts of cultural preservation. This presentation addresses questions of memory, heritage, and authority in the transnational context of post-apartheid South Africa and post-Ottoman Turkey. In doing so, it contributes to our understanding of how Ottoman history, memory and heritage become leverage in contemporary Turkey-Africa relations.
Paper short abstract:
Turkey, through its 'Opening to Africa' initiative, deploys Ottoman history as a soft power tool in the Horn of Africa. challenging the neo-Ottomanism approach, Our paper asserts a strategic narrative choice and reveals a pragmatic use of history for soft power in diplomacy.
Paper long abstract:
Turkey, propelled by its 'Opening to Africa' initiative since 2005, actively fortifies its presence in the Horn of Africa, surpassing traditional economic and diplomatic channels. This paper, cantered on Sudan, Somalia, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Djibouti, examines Turkey's intentional utilization of Ottoman history to exert soft power in the region over the past two decades. In contrast to scholars such as M. Hakan Yavuz (2020) and Osamah Mohammed (2021) who attribute Turkey's invocation of Ottoman history to neo-Ottomanism, arguing an ideological influence, our article posits that Turkey's narrative use of Ottoman history is a strategic and pragmatic choice. Employing qualitative research, we scrutinize official statements by Turkish statesmen during visits to the Horn of Africa and evaluate the restoration of Ottoman historical sites by Turkish institutions to translate rhetoric into tangible realities. Adopting a narrative explanation approach and drawing on Joseph Nye's soft power concept, the study also scrutinizes the strategic deployment of specific Ottoman historical narratives by Turkish statesmen and institutions as soft power tools in the Horn of Africa. This exploration seeks novel insights into Turkey's diplomatic strategy in the region, focusing on the motivation behind the framing of historical narratives.
Keywords: Turkey’s vision of Opening to Africa, Narrativization of Ottoman History, Soft Power, The Horn Africa.
Paper short abstract:
Proposed paper will discuss “Third way” approach as a tool of neoliberal-Islamic governmentality in Sub-Saharan Africa. Neoliberal-Islamic governmentality of Turkey has a clear urban characteristic that defines and constructs a moral Muslim conception of development and a charity-based social model.
Paper long abstract:
Proposed paper will discuss “Third way” approach as a tool of neoliberal-Islamic governmentality in Sub-Saharan Africa. Since AKP came to power, Turkey and Turkish companies become one of the important non-Western powers in Africa. Turkey has presented itself as an alternative to both Western and Chinese models. Erdoğan regime has called this as a “third way” that combines business with development and peace building. Some of the narratives used on the presidential Web site of Turkey emphasize “shared prosperity”, “partnership of equals”, “win-win”, “national ownership” of African people.
Neoliberal-Islamic governmentality of Erdoğan regime has a clear urban characteristic that defines and constructs a moral Muslim conception of development and a charity-based social model. The hallmark of this regime (both economically and politically) is the construction business. Turkish construction companies, all run by government-friendly tycoons, have been constructing housing projects, airports, railways, ports, hospitals, residential and business complexes, hotels, sport stadiums and shopping malls in Sub-Saharan Africa. The construction work of Turkish companies, intertwined with a moral and Islamic conception of development and modern city life, is visible across the Sub-Saharan Africa.
Not only the construction business, but also civil society organizations (NGO’s) that are close to Erdoğan regime are very active in Sub-Suharan Africa since 2000’s, especially among Muslim communities. Their activities, encounters in Sub-Saharan Africa are deeply entangled with racialized knowledge production around Muslim Africa and the transnational racial formation of Muslim whiteness. Their charity-based existence in Sub-Saharan Africa is also a part of the neoliberal-Islamic governmentality.