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- Convenor:
-
. CESS
Send message to Convenor
- Chair:
-
Frank Cibulka
(Zayed University)
- Discussant:
-
Frank Cibulka
(Zayed University)
- Formats:
- Panel
- Theme:
- Political Science & International Relations
- Location:
- Room 107
- Sessions:
- Saturday 25 June, -
Time zone: Asia/Tashkent
Long Abstract
PIR-13
Accepted papers
Session 1 Saturday 25 June, 2022, -Paper short abstract
The paper studies the representation of Central Asia in Russian foreign policy discourse from a critical geopolitical perspective. It finds that while Central Asian states are systematically narrated as Russia’s key partners, Moscow’s perception about the region continues to have a “colonial core”.
Paper long abstract
Russia, considering itself a great power, has for long seen the post-Soviet space as its legitimate sphere of influence. This paper studies the representations of Central Asian states and populations in Russian foreign policy discourse from a critical geopolitical perspective, asking whether the changes within Russia, in Central Asia, and in the international system at large have prompted a shift in Moscow’s perception about the region. Drawing from the analysis of written and spoken texts of prominent Russian foreign policy analysists, the paper finds that while Central Asian states are systematically narrated as Russia’s key partners, Moscow’s perception about the region continues to have a “colonial core”. Moreover, since the realist view of the international order dominates Russian expert discourse, Central Asian countries as seen as weak entities with limited de facto sovereignty, because small states’ independence depends on the goodwill of great powers like China, the United States, and Russia. Given the US withdrawal from Afghanistan and of the prevalence of Sinophobia in Central Asia, there is a consensus within Russian expert community that both Central Asian governments and populations prefer Russia as the dominant actor in the region. Maintaining and strengthening relations with Russia in the spheres of economy and security is narrated as Central Asia’s interest as a means of balancing with the rising of China and the distant “West”. In contrast, anti-Russian sentiment is constructed as a marginal and irrational phenomenon, although some analysts argue that it is rising due to local politicians’ lenience.
Paper short abstract
According to some Ukrainian scholars, under the horrors of war, the Ukrainian society, which was divided along with language and ethnic lines, is evolving toward national consolidation and creating a “Ukrainian political nation”. What lessons can be drawn for the Eurasian counties?
Paper long abstract
The aggression against Ukraine became a shock for all civilized world. Undoubtedly, this war has and will have multi-faceted effects on Ukraine, the Russian Federation, the European and post-Soviet Eurasian countries. It may be too early to argue about the effects of the war on nation-building. However, according to some Ukrainian scholars, under the horrors of war, the Ukrainian society, which was seriously divided along with language and ethnic lines, is decisively evolving toward national consolidation and creating a “Ukrainian political nation”. The resistance of the Russian-speaking Eastern and Southern Ukraine against aggression became a totally unexpected reality for those who wanted to capitalize on the ethnic and language-based separatism and secession in the post-Soviet area. This paper aims to dwell on this phenomenon and formulate the lessons for other post-Soviet countries, especially for Kazakhstan, which is similar to Ukraine has a long borderline with Russia. Kazakhstani society, like Ukrainian, is linguistically and ethnically divided. Also, this paper tries to explore the question, “what role do the democratization process and rising accountability of political power in Ukraine play in the national consolidation?”
Paper short abstract
The paper will examine and compare the national response of the Czech Republic and of Slovakia to the war in the Ukraine in the aftermath of Russia’s invasion of that country, using five levels of response: diplomatic, economic, political, societal/cultural and humanitarian.
Paper long abstract
The paper will examine and compare the national response of the Czech Republic and of Slovakia to the war in the Ukraine in the aftermath of Russia’s invasion of that country. The multidisciplinary analysis will encompass five levels of response: diplomatic, economic, political, societal/cultural and humanitarian. The first area will explore the cooperation of both countries with NATO and the implementation of the EU sanctions against Russia. It will also involve the analysis of the train journey to Kiev of the Czech Prime Minister Petr Fiala, along with his Central European colleagues. The economic impact of the sanctions will be explored, including the impact upon the inflationary pressure and assessing two countries’ dependence on Russia’s natural gas. The impact upon the political system will also be assessed, including the response of the political parties across the entire political spectrum, the degree of national unity among the elites as well at the community level. The reversal of the political orientation by the Czech President Milos Zeman will be considered. At the societal/cultural level, the paper will explore the degree to which the last remnants of solidarity with Russia, whether through the few surviving Slavophile sentiments or loyalty based on past ideological solidarity of Marxist-Leninist states. The author will argue that, for the populations of both Czech and Slovak nations, Putin’s invasion of the Ukraine revived the bitter memories and strengthened the anti-Russian sentiments associated with the Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia half a century earlier. The episodes of anti-Russian violence and cultural rejection will be assessed. Finally, the response on the humanitarian level will deal with the accommodation of the hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian refugees seeking an asylum in the two countries. Throughout the paper, the response of the Czech Republic and of Slovakia will be compared, bearing in mind that Slovakia actually shares the border with Ukraine and is therefore closer to the conflict and its dangers.