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This paper etically analyses First President of Kazakhstan emic discourse in his book The Kazakhstani Way (2006), in which he recalls his perspective of Kazakhstani state construction since its independence from the Soviet Union on December 16th, 1991.

Paper long abstract:

Following Charles Saunders Peirce's and Guido Ferraro's works in sociosemiotics and narratology, this paper etically analyses First President of Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev's emic discourse in his book The Kazakhstani Way (Rus. Kazakhstanskij put', 2006), in which he recalls his perspective of Kazakhstani state construction since its independence from the Soviet Union on December 16th, 1991. This innovative analysis of what this head of state means in his political and economic development self-discourse helps make more evident the effects it has on the agents and institutions that turn its messages into acts, as well as the dialogic relationships and contrasts between the macrolevel of the Kazakhstani state, and the microlevel of the citizens. The first part of this paper presents a synthesis of neoclassic sociosemiotic theory and narratology, and their relevance for the analysis of political acts and discourses. The second part puts these theories to the test, by decomposing in detail some of the most salient elements of meaning in President Nazarbayev's developmental storytelling. In six sections, this sociosemiotic analysis explores how a degradation leads a protagonist, here Nazarbayev's Kazakhstan, to establish a contract with more powerful social institutions in order to change its status. To meet the terms of this contract, the protagonist must acquire a set of competences, enabling it to perform a heroic feat that will officially sanction its change in status and allow it to reach its object of desire. In conclusion, this semiotic analysis provides a clearer understanding of how the contemporary Kazakhstani collective, as influenced by Nazarbayev, perceives itself in relation to its domestic and foreign contexts, and which directions this imagined political identity could take in future. It also provides new insights into how subjective identities are semiotically constructed and educated in contemporary Kazakhstan since the neoliberalisation of its previous Communist regime, and how this paradigmatic transition shapes its current motivations and aspirations.

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Not 23 (Cholpon)

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This paper focuses on the development of cultural heritage management in Kyrgyzstan. More than 2000 historically significant monuments and sites exist in the country and the most famous is Burana Tower. In 2014, it has been enlisted into the UNESCO World Heritage List in recognition of its unquestionable historical, archaeological and cultural significance. In 1976, the shepherd’s house next to the Tower was re-constructed into a museum and since then the Burana Tower Archeological Museum-Complex exposes different archeological tools, coins, and other artifacts discovered in this place and the surrounding area of the Chui oblast. I argue, although there some measurements are provided, the Tower lacks sufficient protection and safeguarding. The greatest harm is caused by the anthropogenic activity of the local population who does not give importance to the value of the monument and cares more about their economic lag, grazing their livestock on the cultural layers of the monument or close to the Tower. I argue that a lot of blame lies with the state, which is not well working to raise awareness of the population about the need to protect and preserve the monument. This paper is based on cultural laws, published books, and different visual materials collected in the framework of the international project “Protection of Burana Tower against anthropogenic and seismic threats” in 2021-2022.

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This article analyzes the contact zones of various beliefs of the Kyrgyz people in pre-Soviet time and argues that when women give birth inside of a traditional Kyrgyz yurt (bozuy), all beliefs ((totemism, shamanism, fetishism, etc.) used to come together around her.

Paper long abstract:

This article analyzes the contact zones of various beliefs of the Kyrgyz people in pre-Soviet time. Using personal visual materials, the article argues that when women give birth inside of a traditional Kyrgyz yurt (bozuy), all beliefs ((totemism, shamanism, fetishism, etc.) used to come together around her. Because as the fieldwork results show, Kyrgyz people along wıth praying for their believes, they were also using them in their social lives. It means, when a woman gives birth, in the case of pre-Soviet Kyrgyz pastoralists, all their beliefs come together in the yurt to facilitate the woman's childbirth process. The article is based on the results of a six-year field work study conducted by the author between 2005 and 2011 on the Song Kul pasture in Kyrgyzstan. Also, the data obtained from the field research are compared with archival ethnographic materials stored in the Manuscripts Fund of the Kyrgyz Academy of Sciences.

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After the June events in Osh, Kyrgyzstan, the economic space of the Uzbeks of the city of Osh sharply narrowed. This leads to the question: how did Uzbek cafe owners find ways to cope with the 2010 Osh events and the difficult economic situation that they found themselves in?

Paper long abstract:

Following the June 2010 events In Osh, there was irreversible damage inflicted on the economic foundations of the ethnic Uzbek segment of the population of Southern Kyrgyzstan. Cafes, restaurants and retail outlets belonging to Uzbeks were burnt down or passed into the hands of Kyrgyz businessmen. After the June events, the economic space of the Uzbeks of the city of Osh sharply narrowed. However, Uzbeks still manage to dominate the catering sector in Osh and the surrounding regions. This leads to the question: how did Uzbek cafe owners find ways to cope with the 2010 Osh events and the difficult economic situation that they found themselves in?

The stories of our informants–along with the way in which they concealed their business success, cultivated connections to state authorities, carefully complied with government rules and regulations, and navigated bureaucratic obstacles –led us to make use of the concept of securityscapes developed by von Boemcken et al ( 2016 ) to describe people’s everyday practices of security- making. The concept of a securityscape is defi ned as a strategy for making a secure life for oneself in response to perceived threats.

We collected field material for more than eight months on Uzbek security practices in everyday life, specifically, in the catering business, by making trips to locations in Osh of both compact and dispersed Uzbek residency. The methods that we used in conducting our research were primarily participant observation, qualitative interviews with both women and men, and focus group discussions among local youth.