Paper short abstract:

In Wagner’s opera Der Ring des Nibelungen, Brünnhilde is the ultimate heroine. In the Volsunga Saga, she dies in a metaphorical battle, yet she is not permitted into Valhalla because it is destroyed, and because her status as a woman would not allow it. Brunnhilde deserves it, regardless of gender.

Paper long abstract:

In Wagner’s opera Der Ring des Nibelungen, Brünnhilde is the ultimate heroine—she delivers the ring back to the Rhinemaidens; she overcomes her fall from Valkyrie-hood; she survives rape and cheating and dishonesty; she guides the male characters. Yet, in Volsunga Saga, she is demonized and punished, and even though she dies in a metaphorical battle, she is not permitted into Valhalla partly because it is destroyed, and partly because her status as a woman would not allow it. After she awakens from her sleep, she quickly regains her power as the strong woman in the story, even as she is stripped of her title of Valkyrie. Out of defeat she fashions a heroinism that looks different from male heroic achievement and ultimately prevails over authority. Brünnhilde is the heroine.

While she is the idealization of the 19th century woman, she is also the Norse depiction of a severely infuriated stereotypical woman. Wagner chose to reflect his own societal expectations on Brünnhilde to expand her character, to redeem her—yet she still does not make to Valhalla, its destruction aside. Based on her heroinism, Brünnhilde should have entered Valhalla. What then prevents her from ascending to the resting place of the blessed? Wagner’s attempt at redeeming her places her in the Valhalla created by him, not the one standardly referred to in Norse mythology. This paper dismantles the master narrative set forth by the Norse tradition and instead argues that Brünnhilde should be exalted, her apparent gender and Valhalla’s destruction aside.

Paper short abstract:

The paper explores the overlapping boundaries between visual culture and political activism when abortion becomes aesthetically (de)coded. It is an attempt to understand the cultural meanings, affective strategies and political impact of abortion imageries in the current European context.

Paper long abstract:

Political struggles over conception, contraception, and pregnancy termination are longstanding in Europe. Since the rise of right-wing parties and populist movements in Europe in the last two decades, their agenda dominates the public debates by centring around the Catholic Church, the protection of “traditional values” and “restoration of the natural order”, pushing a populist cocktail of anti-feminist, anti-progressive, and anti-abortion rhetoric and symbolism. “Pro-lifers” in many European countries have long applied the principle that a picture of a dead fetus is worth a thousand words and chaste silhouettes of the fetal form or voyeuristic-necrophilic photographs of its remains litter the background of any (anti)abortion debate. These developments serve as the backdrop for the exploration of the power of abortion imageries, in particular of fetal images, in the politics of reproduction in Croatia, Germany and Poland. The paper examines the effects of abortion imaging on the larger cultural climate of reproductive politics but also on the affective experience and consciousness about abortion in public debates. Based on the methodological triangulation of participant observation and discourse analysis, the contribution addresses imageries, symbols, and aesthetic codes of “pro-life” and pro-choice activism and analyses visual media by drawing on approaches to the mechanisms of visualisation and emotiveness as cultural practices. Finally, the study considers some implications of abortion images for (anti)feminist practice and aims at a critical discussion of (anti)feminist imageries and its political power(lessness) to create transformative social change in a time of rising populism, cultural backlash, anti-genderism and religious fundamentalism in Europe.

Paper short abstract:

In the last years, gender has been central in the reactivation of the Spanish far-right (Vox). As the European far-right, Vox has updated its discourse to social media. The goal is to explore how Vox’s antifeminist revivals are affectively constructed, lived, and felt by Vox and its supporters.

Paper long abstract:

In the last years, the Spanish far-right (Vox) has been growing within public institutions. Along with a centralist-nationalist viewpoint, gender has been central in the political, ideological, economic, and affective (re-)activation of the Spanish far-right. At the same time, like its European counterparts, Vox has been able to update its discourse to new technologies. Vox, positioning itself outside the media system, discards all traditional political communication to become an influencer/meme-creator. Vox looks for likes, views, and sponsors. Thus, the goal of this work is to explore how Vox’s antifeminist revivals are affectively and politically constructed, lived, and felt (in the online and offline world) by Vox and its supporters.

This paper, based on ethnographic work and an affective analytical perspective, focuses on Vox’s political act/festivity (VIVA21) held in Madrid on October 9th-10th, 2021, specifically focusing on its ‘meme booth’.

This ‘meme booth’ was set up for people to see the most viral images, take pictures and post them back on social media. Vox, thus, builds a communicative strategy of prosumption of political and affective discourses, especially antifeminists, through a de-digitalization and re-digitalization of the meme. This circulation of memes online and offline also allows an affective circulation of love, fear, hatred, and courage between Vox and its sympathizers. The exploration of this affective atmosphere of memetic relations presents not only Vox’s political constructions but also how they are experienced by its supporters.

Paper short abstract:

Seto women gained recognition as singers in certain political climates. Performing beyond domestic realms cultivated new political dimensions. Historical and contemporary expressions within a socio-political matrix are examined with emphasis on politicalized heritage as carried by modern singers.

Paper long abstract:

Seto women play essential roles as song leaders bringing them recognition in certain political climates. Historical and contemporary roles of women in Seto leelo singing are examined within a socio-political matrix. Certain opportunities were broadened for Seto women under Socialism, however, following World War II, some of these changes were merely symbolic. As practices of leelo shifted with socio-political changes this granted female singers with additional opportunities and cultivated new political dimensions. Performing empowered women by way of expansion beyond the domestic sphere of the patriarchal village and its behavioural norms. Singers communicated with the cultural elite, received recognition, and financial amenities. With the leelo revival movement, singers are engaging with their communities informed by this history with the aim of creating a better future. Contemporary leelo is central to cultural identity and many singers are politically active on local and international levels as Seto communities are transnational spanning parts of Estonia and Russia. Singers have prominent roles in Seto Congress and Kingdom Day which celebrate tradition while garnering international support. The UNESCO ICH inscription of leelo in 2009 has aided in these efforts significantly. Contemporary leelo heritage is thus politicized, with women highlighted as leaders in the tradition.

Paper short abstract:

This paper discusses the contradictory discourse of change among the testimonies within the Finland-Swedish MeToo campaign Dammen brister. It argues that presenting change as both achieved and needed could be considered an affective strategy for creating community and inspiring action.

Paper long abstract:

Sexual violence is a problem that appears much insusceptible to change. Despite tireless work against sexual violence over the past decades, it is still prevalent and ignorant understandings are widespread. The purpose of the MeToo movement was to give people a sense of the magnitude of the problem but it is now often described as having made permanent change in society in regards to sexual violence. Such change was celebrated in many of the testimonies collected within the Finland-Swedish MeToo campaign called Dammen brister. At the same time, other testimonies emphasized a need for change to construct a future free from sexual violence. Thus, change is presented both as having been made and in need of making.

In this paper, I discuss the contradictory discourses within Dammen brister testimonies that celebrate a change made while simultaneously requesting or demanding said change. I argue it would be too simplistic to claim that the testimonies simply praise the progress thus far, while recognizing that sexual violence is not yet eradicated. Instead, I suggest that this ambiguous change–change as both achieved and not–is characteristic to the genre of public testimonies of sexual violence narratives, performing both hope and determination. By presenting change in the cultural structures of sexual violence both in the present and the future, this contradictory discourse could be considered an affective strategy aimed at creating community among Finnish-Swedish women and urging people to action.