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Paper short abstract

Neglecting vulnerable individuals in research can lead to unethical practices that undermine their humanity. Using an auto-ethnographic method, from a moral philosophical perspective (Kant's categorical imperative and the capability approach, and Honneth’s theory of recognition), I reflect on the ethics entailed in conducting research with vulnerable groups, in this case, undocumented migrants.

Paper long abstract

Neglecting vulnerable individuals in research can lead to unethical practices that undermine their humanity. Such inadequate considerations highlight the risk of unethical practices including undermining the humanity of vulnerable people. According to Clements et al. (1999), vulnerable people are those “who are stigmatized, have low social status and who have very little power or control over their lives” (p. 104). This means that, in the case of undocumented migrants which this paper focuses on, there is an uneven dependence by the group on other members of the society. This is visible among undocumented migrant communities in South Africa – the context from which I write. Such uneven dependence can however lead to the infringement on the human dignity of vulnerable groups. My argument is: beyond ‘ticking boxes’ of maintaining confidentiality, privacy, and anonymity, it is important for researchers to understand the significance of being ethical while researching.

Using an autoethnographic method, in this article, I reflect on the need to reconsider, from a deontological moral philosophical perspective, what ethical considerations are entailed for conducting research with vulnerable groups, in this case, undocumented migrants. My aim is to provide an opportunity for a deeper reflective interaction within an ethical conception of conducting research, beyond merely ‘tick-boxes’. Providing this opportunity is important for understanding various contexts. This means that enacting such reflexive practice can pave way for various contextualised ways through which ethics can be appropriately implemented. Along these lines, to provide the opportunity for deep reflection, I firstly detail my positionality, as a foreign black Nigerian African woman who has lived – temporarily as a postgraduate student – for about 7 years in South Africa.

Drawing on Kant’s categorical imperative and Honneth’s theory of recognition, I highlight the significance of viewing individuals (in vulnerable positions) with inherent dignity. Beginning with Kant, I note that through the capability approach, Sen develops the Kantian idea of the categorical imperative. He does this by explaining how individuals can achieve their ‘ends’ (goals), and so, be valued as humans through being provided opportunities to flourish. The provision of opportunities requires specific approaches or interventions during research processes. Supporting this Robeyns (2017) writes:

One could argue… that the capability approach does not focus entirely on ends, but rather on the question of whether a person is being put in the conditions in which she can pursue her ultimate ends. It is therefore more precise to say that the capability approach focuses on people’s ends in terms of beings and doings... (p. 49)

This means that while the capability approach recognises and agrees with Kant’s moral philosophical perspective on people being respected, it further draws attention to how their ends can be achieved. My focus thus shifts towards practically recognising individuals through active participation (agency) and respect. I turn to an explanation of what respect means when discussing Honneth’s theory of recognition. In merely explaining the idea of a categorical imperative (in its first or second formulation; see Kant, 1994) for ethics and ethical considerations in research, the shortfall is that methodological approaches to practically ensuring that the maxims acted on align with participants as being ends in themselves are not clear (Honneth, 1995). Kant’s ethics has thus been criticised as being unrealistic and formalistic (O’Neill, 1998).

A practical kind of moral philosophy to ethics is required; one characterised by the “principle of recognition” (Honneth & Farrell, 1997, p. 16). Honneth’s theory of recognition provides the opportunity for thinking in practical terms about ‘how’ we can ensure that the inherent dignity of vulnerable persons is respected. In bringing Honneth’s ideas together, the fact that researchers cannot analyse issues of ethics and ethical practices without considering themselves as carers, morally responsible, and having self-esteem is foregrounded. By implication, when ethics around conducting research with vulnerable groups is raised, researchers must first consider their own beliefs about what ethics means. Anderson (translator of Honneth’s [1995] argues that many “members of marginalised groups have been systematically denied recognition for the worth of their culture, the dignity of their status as persons, and the inviolability of their physical integrity” (1995, p. x, emphasis added). This highlights a neglect of, at an initial stage, the trust in oneself by researchers. Essentially, it is important for researchers to recognise the vulnerability of the subaltern and their own positionality. If researchers are reflective of their ethical status and that of the participant, they will already position themselves as caring about the lifeworld of the participant, unlike data resource.

There is room for further understanding what ethics means and how it can be translated into practice among researchers as well as improving the formulation of ethical considerations by researchers. However, in reflecting upon what ethics means, there would be a better understanding of the significance of recognising human dignity, respect, and support and care for everyone regardless of their position – vulnerable in this instance. There would also be a clear link to the need for recognising what these group of research participants value and want to achieve. Researchers need to critically reflect on what ethics means beyond ethical clearances and ‘causing harm’.

Key words: Ethics, Vulnerable groups, Reflexive practice, Research, Undocumented migrants.

References

Clements, J., Rapley, M., & Cummins, R. A. (1999). On, to, for, with – Vulnerable people and the practices of the research community. Behavioural and Cognitive Psychotherapy, 27(2), 103–115. https://doi.org/DOI: 10.1017/S1352465899272013

Honneth, A. (1995). The struggle for recognition: The moral grammar of social conflicts (J. Anderson, Ed.). The MIT Press.

Honneth, A., & Farrell, J. (1997). Recognition and moral obligation. Social Research, 64(1), 16–35. https://www.jstor.org/stable/40971157?seq=1&cid=pdf-

Kant, I. (1994). Ethical philosophy: The complete texts of grounding for the metaphysics of morals and metaphysical principles of virtue (Part II of the metaphysics of morals with on a supposed right to lie because of philanthropic concerns (J. W. Ellington, Ed.; 2nd ed.). Hackett Publishing.

O’Neill, O. (1998). Criticisms of Kantian ethics. In The Routledge encyclopaedia of philosophy. Taylor and Francis. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780415249126-L042-1

Robeyns, I. (2017). Wellbeing, freedom and social justice. Open Book Publishers. https://doi.org/10.11647/OBP.0130

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Paper short abstract

This qualitative research explores the potential of the capability approach to understand homelessness. Using Robeyns' framework, the study analyze the experiences of 19 individuals in transitional housing, delving into the intricate interplay of capabilities, functionings, and conversion factors. This approach deepens our understanding of homelessness for effective response and prevention efforts

Paper long abstract

RESEARCH CONTEXT

The problem of homelessness has taken on considerable magnitude in the Unites States and Europe over the last few decades. While a recent European consensus has been established on effective strategies to address homelessness (Baptista and Marlier, 2019), various authors have highlighted limitations in the current understanding of the phenomenon (Pleace, 2016; Fitzpatrick, 2005; Somerville, 2013; McNaughton, 2010). Current frameworks acknowledge the multi-causal and complex nature of homelessness, arising from diverse life processes and trajectories (Matulic-Domandzic, 2013). Nevertheless, there are several limitations, including a lack of recognition of personal agency and the failure to identify internally homogeneous subgroups and pathways in and out of homelessness (Pleace, 2016). Authors also emphasize the necessity of generating a framework that considers the context created by different welfare states (Benjaminsen, 2023; Benjaminsen, 2015; Stephens and Fitzpatrick, 2007).

This research explores the application of the capabilities approach as an alternative theoretical framework for the understanding of homelessness (Marshall et al., 2022). It provides insights into the processes of capability expansion and understanding the decision-making of individuals who have accessed housing services. By utilizing the elements described by Robeyns (2005) — capabilities, functionings, conversion factors, social context, agency, and adaptive preferences — the research aims to operationalize the capabilities approach within the field of homelessness, an area that still needs to be studied further (Watts & Fitzpatrick, 2020).

The application of the capability approach in the field of homelessness is not a novel concept. Advocates, including Wong, Stanton, and Sands (2014), endorse the capabilities approach for its emphasis on self-determination, agency, and choice as integral components of a high quality of life. Sacchetto et al. (2018) contend that the capabilities approach provides a valuable framework for assessing the effectiveness of homeless services and instigating systemic changes within these services. Indeed, recent studies have utilized the capabilities approach as a framework to gauge the effectiveness of homelessness services (Greenwood et al., 2023; Kerman et al., 2020).

METHODOLOGY

The present research is grounded in a case study that analyzes the experiences of individuals who have faced homelessness and participated in a program that provides shared accommodation in transitional housing with additional supportive services in Spain. The qualitative research delves into individual experiences through the application of workshops, in-person interviews, and telephone interviews as data gathering tools. The sample selection was intentional to ensure the representation of diverse gender, age, and nationality profiles. Nineteen participants were included in the study across three distinct stages of the intervention process: accessing the program (T0), nearing program exit (T1), and, finally, one year after leaving the program (T2). The questions incorporated into the workshops and interviews were designed in alignment with Robeyns' framework key elements (2005), such as conversion factors, social context, potential capabilities, expanded capabilities, adaptive preferences, real capabilities, choice, functionings and agency.

ANALYSIS

The results challenge the prevailing assumption that providing housing alone is sufficient for enhancing the well-being of individuals experiencing homelessness (Ferrullo, 2006). While housing addresses basic safety-related capabilities, it falls short of fulfilling the diverse range of capabilities that individuals value for their holistic well-being. Our findings underscore the nuanced and multifaceted nature of well-being, emphasizing that a one-size-fits-all housing solution is insufficient, as each person places different values on the physiological, emotional, territorial, ontological, and spiritual dimensions of home (Somerville, 2015).

Furthermore, our study sheds light on the significance of support structures and their role in expanding capabilities. The capabilities approach proves instrumental in identifying the intricacies of this process, elucidating the various conversion factors that either facilitate or hinder capability expansion. The dynamic relationship between individual needs and structural circumstances highlights the complexity of achieving comprehensive well-being within the context of homelessness (Pleace and Bretherton, 2017).

Moreover, our exploration of key aspects of well-being, such as employment and interpersonal relationships, underscores their pivotal role in the transformation of capabilities into functionings. The influence of conversion factors and social context, including mental health issues, substance abuse, and migration status, reveals the intricate challenges faced by individuals striving for long-term stability. Recognizing the diversity of capabilities and functionings among different profiles, including gender variations, underscores the need for a differentiated intervention approach (Bretherton, 2017; Muñoz et al., 2005).

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, the capabilities approach addresses the inherent limitations in current frameworks for understanding homelessness. This new nuanced understanding, that acknowledges the intricate interrelation of resources, services, capabilities, functionings and conversion factors, offers a broad new field of research with interesting applications in response and prevention efforts.

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Paper short abstract

This paper evaluates multidimensional poverty vulnerability in Algeria and Tunisia using M-gamma measures by Alkire and Foster (2019), following Gallardo's approach (2022). It employs Bayesian networks classifiers to model the joint probability of poverty and deprivation in each dimension. Vulnerability is measured through the mean risk approach (VMR).

Paper long abstract

1. Research Context

MENA countries, like others globally, have embraced the UN's agenda for 2030 and its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), emphasizing the imperative of leaving no one behind. Despite progress in poverty reduction, the region faces challenges due to its fragile context and ongoing crises, which threaten advancements made. This highlights the importance of understanding vulnerability to poverty to develop effective, sustainable policies.

2. Methodology

Inclusion of vulnerability in poverty analysis dates back to the 2000’s following the pioneering study by the World Bank on social risk and management (2001). A number of approaches have been proposed to assess and estimate vulnerability to poverty but they are not yet been widely adopted. Indeed, since vulnerability is by definition forward looking, most measures require long panel data. However, for many countries, only cross-sectional data are available. Although poverty is now-well recognized as a multidimensional phenomenon, empirical studies on vulnerability assessment are dominated by the monetary approach to poverty. Yet, vulnerability should also reflect the fact that it can occur in different dimensions of well-being. Few studies address multidimensional vulnerability, notably Calvo (2008), Abraham and Kavi (2008), Feeny and McDonald (2016), and recent works by Gallardo (2020, 2022). However, there's a dearth of research on vulnerability in the MENA region. This study aims to bridge this gap, building on previous work by Bérenger (2021) and Gallardo (2022), to examine vulnerability to multidimensional poverty in Algeria and Tunisia.

The objective of the present study is to fill this gap. Drawing on the study by Bérenger (2021) which assesses levels and trends in multidimensional poverty in Algeria, Iraq and Tunisia the present paper proposes to examine vulnerability to multidimensional poverty following the approach developed by Gallardo (2022) and to investigate the complex relationship between multidimensional poverty and vulnerability in Algeria and Tunisia. According to the study by Bérenger (2021), although these two countries have very similar levels of multidimensional poverty, it is interesting to examine whether their population face the same risk of poverty in the future. Vulnerability to multidimensional poverty is estimated using the downside mean semideviation approach proposed by Gallardo (2013). To estimate the risk of being multidimensional poor in the future we draw on Gallardo (2022) that implements multidimensional Bayesian network classifiers. This study is currently one of the two rare applications of Bayesian networks to the analysis of welfare and poverty.

3. Analysis

Utilizing data from UNICEF's Multiple Indicators Cluster Survey (MICS) for Algeria (2012/13, 2018/19) and Tunisia (2012, 2018), we adapted the MPI to the Arab context with insights from ESCWA (2017, 2021).

Analogous to the famous FGT-alpha indices in unidimensional case, our study provided measures of vulnerability to multidimensional poverty when γ=0,1 and 2 and decomposition of vulnerability by distinguishing severe and moderate vulnerability. Four key findings are noticeable.

First, both in Algeria and Tunisia, vulnerability headcount ratios are significantly higher than poverty headcount ratios suggesting that current poverty estimates tell us only part of the story. Despite similar levels of multidimensional poverty, vulnerability measures are higher in Tunisia than in Algeria. In addition, the achievements in poverty reduction are more fragile in Tunisia than in Algeria. Similar trends were also observed with the measures that account for the intensity and inequality among the poor.

The second finding is that moderate vulnerability prevails over severe vulnerability in both countries. Trends over time indicate that in Algeria, vulnerability seems to be shifting more towards moderate vulnerability as the contribution of severe vulnerability to overall vulnerability decreased between 2013 and 2019. Opposite trends were observed in Tunisia where the most significant decreases in vulnerability concerned moderate vulnerability particularly in rural areas. However, severe vulnerability increased in urban areas suggesting that some moderately vulnerable people have slipped into severe vulnerability. As a result, in Tunisia, vulnerability seems to be shifting more towards severe vulnerability between 2012 to and 2018.

Third, the dimensional decomposition of the two main components of vulnerability enabled us to identify the indicators where the differences between severe and moderate vulnerability were the largest are early pregnancy, mortality, nutrition, access to water and school attendance in Algeria; mortality, early pregnancy, sanitation, nutrition followed by school attendance in Tunisia. They correspond to dimensions of structural poverty. In contrast, deprivations in the remaining indicators are much more similar between the two groups of vulnerable. This makes it possible to differenciate the indicators or dimensions that would require specific attention for the design and implementation of social policies. Especially, it is worrisome to note that the risks of vulnerability seem to have increased. particularly in the nutrition indicator in both countries, in early pregnancy in Algeria and in sanitation in Tunisia.

Fourth, the analysis of the overlap between different forms of vulnerability and poverty showed that chronic poverty among the vulnerable is more important in Tunisia than in Algeria. Among the currently poor in Algeria and Tunisia, 38.5% and 48.3% (resp.) remain chronically poor with a high probability of experiencing multidimensional poverty in the future while 26.4% in Algeria and 21% in Tunisia are infrequently poor suggesting that they are likely to escape from poverty. Our results revealed different trajectories in the evolution of the vulnerability components in these two countries. Severe vulnerability among the poor decreased in Algeria between 2013 and 2019 while moderate vulnerability slightly increased particularly in rural areas. On the other hand in Tunisia, the decrease in moderate vulnerability among the poor came at the expense of an increase in severe vulnerability between 2012 and 2019.

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Paper short abstract

While using participatory methods in the Capability research is common, how to scrutinise children’s authentic views of capabilities is not yet clear. To address this issue, by using the models of rapport-building by Pitts and Miller-Day and the variants of reflexivity by Finlay and ‘epistemic justice’, in my PhD project I developed and used a conceptual and analytical tool—'reflexive rapport’.

Paper long abstract

Sen’s (2009; 1999) work on the Capability Approach (the CA, hereafter) acknowledges individuals’ participation through their voices (Alkire, 2002) and their bottom-up participation as agents of their multidimensional developmental change (Comin, 2008). However, there is overarching debates about whether these apply to children and if so, how they can make independent and responsible choices for their capability dimensions (Saito, 2003). Many of these debates resulted from the refusal to listen to the real voices of children themselves (Lansdown, 2001). Alternatively, there is a gap and/or lack of emphasis in maintaining ‘epistemic justice’ by positioning and empowering children as ‘speakers of knowledge’ and as epistemic agents (Fricker, 2003; 2007) who are able to explain the influence of their surroundings on their wellbeing, including those influences that are unconventional/unexpected and would perhaps not fit the dominant constructions of children’s lives. Although a good number of capabilitarians (Biggeri & Melhotra, 2011; Biggeri et al., 2011; Anich et al., 2011) propose using participatory methods such as drawings, games, photovoice in the process of operationalisation of the normative framework of the CA, how to enable and exercise a process toward/of true scrutiny in understanding children’s authentic views of capabilities is not yet clear and comprehensive. To address this methodological issue, I developed a conceptual and analytical research method called ‘reflexive rapport’ which I developed and used in my PhD project.

Rapport-building and reflexivity play critical roles in achieving ethical decision-making in ethnographic research and fieldwork. While ‘reflexivity gives qualitative research a pulse’ and is ‘dynamic and creative’ (Kleinsasser, p. 155), respectful and trustworthy relationships with participants are critical (Dowling, 2008; Pitts & Miller-Day, 2007) in maintaining and sustaining that ‘pulse’. “The reflexivity demanded of qualitative researchers means that relationships with participants have been recognized as influential to the research process and the resulting interpretations” (McGinn, 2008, p. 771). Although rapport-building has always been a key topic in ethnographic scholarship, since the advent of postmodernism in the 1970s, there has been a growing emphasis on methodological self-consciousness or reflexivity, viewing social (co-)construction of knowledge and research practices as paramount (Bryman 2016; Finlay, 2002; Salzman, 2002). While a plethora of publications is dedicated to explaining them separately, very little is known about how ethnographers maintain reciprocity between rapport-building and reflexivity in understanding children’s perspectives on their lives and wellbeing. To this end, by utilizing the five phases model of rapport-building (Pitts and Miller-Day 2007) and the variants of reflexivity (Finlay 2002), I proposed the tool ‘reflexive rapport’. The notion of ‘reflexive rapport’ maintains that all variants of reflexivity may not apply to each of the five rapport-building stages and all stages of rapport-building do not apply to fieldwork either.

In my PhD project, by employing the CA, I examined how children living in a Bangladeshi urban slum perceive the influence of the catch-up primary education offered on their learning and wellbeing. Drawing on my PhD fieldwork employing participatory ethnography with children, I argued that ‘reflexive rapport’ could be an effective guiding tool in building respectful and trustworthy relationships with participants—relationships in which rapport-building and reflexivity represented mutual and complementary processes. This tool helped unravel and consciously pursue researcher–participant relationships as an entanglement with contextual and circumstantial nuances associated with class, power structures, gender, and locale. In this context, I explained how, through multiple, shifting positions, and negotiated interactions with the children, I became an ‘insider’—children’s ‘amader apa’ (our sister) which was a key enabling factor to exercise and nurture a process of true scrutiny in understanding children’s real views of capabilities impacted by their school. This conceptual and analytical research tool contributes to a growing body of literature on the conduct of ethical fieldwork and epistemic justice to understand children’s authentic perspectives about their lives and wellbeing, particularly with children from the margins of society.

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Paper short abstract

This article provides a new strategy combining capabilities approach–based questions with techniques from quantitative survey methodology to empower participants. This innovative method gives participants simple tools to work with esoteric concepts. In a pilot study, it enables richer qualitative responses from participants as we calibrate a capabilities list for migrant descendants in Barcelona.

Paper long abstract

This article pilots a new technique, participatory concept calibration, in the context of qualitative interviews involving 20 migrant descendants aged 21–39 in Barcelona, Spain. The purpose of the research was to define quality of life in the context of people with a migration background in a large European city.

Taking as a starting point Martha Nussbaum’s Central Human Capabilities, a set of ten purportedly universal capabilities that all human beings ought to be able to do or to be, I apply an innovative approach that combines capabilities-based questions with techniques from quantitative survey methodology to elucidate richer qualitative responses from research participants as we calibrate the concept of quality of life for this population. This article reflects on the opportunities this methodological borrowing offers for involving participants in the calibration of concepts that are then applied to their same populations in both research and policy.

After recounting the study population selection methodology, I provide a detailed account of the interview question design, the construction and use of flashcards, and the application of quantitative framing within the qualitative study. This paper includes the actual interview questions, as well as original translations of Nussbaum’s central human capabilities into Spanish and Catalan as flashcards, as an aid to future researchers. To illustrate the utility of this combined method, I present some of the migrant descendants’ responses to questions about quality of life and capabilities both when answering only open-ended questions and after applying the quantitative framing.

Notably, this study finds that participants generally validate Nussbaum’s Central Human Capabilities as relevant to their quality of life, but when using the quantitative framing they adjust and expand her proposed capabilities to highlight experiences of violence and discrimination, as well as their (lack of) access to housing. This calibration allows for the creation of a new list that is based on Nussbaum’s universal list but is tailored to participants’ context, all drawn from their own engagement with the concepts.

Based on these data, I suggest that participatory concept calibration, including the use of quantitative framing to elucidate qualitative data as discussed here, can be a powerful tool to incorporate research participants in the production of knowledge, as intended in participatory action research. Furthermore, of particular interest to capabilities researchers, participatory concept calibration allows researchers to bridge the divide between universalist capabilities lists (Nussbaum, Anand) and context-based capabilities research (Sen, Robeyns). Finally, I argue that quantitative framing gives participants an entry point through which to analyze and engage with seemingly esoteric ideas like those used in the capabilities approach and potentially applicable to other complex concepts. This expands their abilities to participate in decision-making that affects their own lives, from research to policy.

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Paper short abstract

In this work we seek to show the process of creating a Multidimensional Poverty Index for the state of Minas Gerais, in Brazil; the advantages of this index compared to other approaches; and how this index was used by the government of this province in public policies in the area of combating poverty and promoting human development.

Paper long abstract

In this work we seek, at first, to show how was the process of creating a Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) for the state of Minas Gerais, in Brazil; and how this index was used in public policies that aim to eradicate poverty and promote human development by the government of this province. In a second moment we will focus on the differences in poverty measurement results when we use the MPI and when we use income alone. Afterwards, we analyze how the phenomenon of poverty changed from these different perspectives in the state of Minas Gerais from the beginning of the pandemic until the end of 2023. We also show the challenges of creating a multidimensional poverty index from CADÚNICO, a database that works as a census of the most vulnerable population in Brazil.

Minas Gerais is the fourth largest state in Brazil, with more than 586 thousand square kilometers and a population of more than 21 million people.

The Minas Gerais Multidimensional Poverty Index (also called "Minas MPI") is an index composed of 12 indicators, covering 4 dimensions: Basic sanitation, Education, Standard of living and Work and Income. To build it we used Cadúnico. The Cadastro Único for Social Programs (CadÚnico) is a tool used in Brazil to identify and characterize low-income families. It is managed by the Federal Government and operates as a database containing socio-economic information of Brazilian families in situations of social vulnerability. The CadÚnico is used as a criterion for the selection of various social programs and benefits, such as the Bolsa Família. The cadúnico has its own poverty line and we use these lines to measure poverty through monetary approach and make a comparison with the multidimensional index built from this same database.

Firstly, we will talk about the challenges in creating this type of index using a database like CADÚNICO. We will also show what this index can be used in the context of public policies that aim to tackle poverty and promote human development.

In the second moment we will show the data generated from the two approaches to measuring poverty: the multidimensional approach and the monetary approach. To summarize, these data show an increase in poverty in the state of Minas Gerais during the Covid-19 pandemic. But when we use IPM, this increase is smaller. The two approaches have similarities when we look at the regional distribution of this increasing trend. The increase, both in the monetary and multidimensional approaches, occurs in regions that historically suffer less from the problem of poverty: the southern, southwestern and central-western regions of the state. We attribute this greater increase in these regions during this pandemic period to two factors: first, the fact that the "poverty ceiling" is higher in them than in other regions of the province; second, greater institutional learning from public facilities in other regions to deal with times of increasing poverty.

The data also show that the increase in multidimensional poverty occurs only in indicators related to the dimension of work and the dimension of education. In other indicators there is a reduction in the percentage of families in deprivation.This happens because there is a massive entry into the Cadúnico of families who already had access to housing, basic sanitation and education, but who lost income and work during the pandemic. This phenomenon is a symptom of a process of impoverishment of sectors of the middle class and lower middle class during the pandemic and the economic crisis generated by it.

These findings shows us some advantages and disadvantages of a multidimensional indicator. It allows, on the one hand, to capture people's poverty in a granular way. It is possible to differentiate in which dimensions families are deprived, which, in turn, allows the construction of public policies that are more appropriate and adherent to the specific situation of each family. On the other hand, a multidimensional indicator like the MPI tends to be less sensitive to changes in urban contexts or middle-class contexts. In this type of context, most or all families tend to have access to basic urban infrastructure, so that families that experience a worsening of income and/or unemployment, depending on the indicators and the cutoff line used to define those who are deprived or not, may not be identified as vulnerable/poor families.