Paper short abstract:

The paper places women in politics from two local contexts with a record of electoral violence centre stage – respectively Ablekuma West and Asawase – to explore how micro level factors and dynamics link to the national level politics and result in electoral violence from gendered perspectives.

Paper long abstract:

Ghana is famous for its peaceful and democratic elections. However, the 2020 elections were characterised by an increasing level of electoral violence. Most research on electoral violence in Africa does not adopt a gender perspective, but present men’s perspectives exclusively. The article places women in politics from two local contexts with a record of electoral violence centre stage – respectively Ablekuma West and Asawase – to explore how micro level factors and dynamics link to the national level politics and result in electoral violence from gendered perspectives. Gendered electoral violence can be defined as ‘acts perpetrated by men against women with the aim of devaluing, demeaning and de-humanizing them and their identity as women so as to promote men’s dominance in electoral thereby influencing electoral choices and outcomes’ (Ngonga & Muddell 2019: 4). However, women in local politics are not just victims of electoral violence. The article illustrates how women are exposed to different forms of violence (physical and psychological), but also how women in local politics are actively engaging in acts of electoral violence in the two local contexts. Women in local politics are not peaceful passive objects of electoral violence but also violent active subjects and consequently women’s political citizenship and agency are two sided. The article argues for a focus on intersectional perspectives on electoral violence as it takes place based on both the fact that they are women and the fact that they belong to one of the two dominant parties (NPP or NDC).

Paper short abstract:

This paper reports results of two waves of data from a national survey of 3000 respondents, 2018 and 2022, on perceptions of gender equality, culture and GBV. Findings show a gender gap in women’s and men’s perceptions. “Keeping women in their place” may inform electoral violence against women.

Paper long abstract:

South Africa is currently a country facing a constitutional crisis. Political instability is brought on by a deepening energy crisis, the political elite’s involvement in corruption networks and state capture; and unprecedented levels of unemployment, crime and gender based violence. It is in this context that the 2024 national election will take place. In the last year assassinations of local government politicians have increased, especially if they were whistle blowers on government corruption. The ruling party, the ANC, has a 50% quota on a closed list PR system, which means that at least 50% of candidates for an election has to be women.

A 2017 report by the South African Local Government Association (SALGA) states the following:

The killing and intimidation of councillors has also seen female councillors being frequently targeted as they are seen as easy targets...Women are already vulnerable in societies with high levels of violence

This paper will report the results of two waves of data from a national survey, done in 2018 and 2022, by Citizen Surveys and commissioned by the author. The aim of the surveys was to get a better understanding of attitudes that inform perceptions of gender equality, culture and gender based violence. The methodology used was a quantitative survey with a 3 000 respondent sample. The findings show a gender gap in women’s and men’s perceptions of gender stereotypes and cultural understandings of women’s roles. “Keeping women in their place” may inform electoral violence against women.

Paper short abstract:

How does gendered political violence impact women and men candidates differently? Drawing on ethnographic observation and interviews with women and men candidates across three Kenyan countries, this paper explores gendered differences in candidates' experiences of political violence and harassment.

Paper long abstract:

How does gendered political violence impact women and men candidates differently? Since Kenya's democratic transition in the early 1990s, Kenyan elections have repeatedly been characterized by high levels of political violence. Existing reports by advocates, journalists, and electoral observation groups suggest that women politicians are often particularly at risk, especially during competitive primary races. Yet to date, there is little research comparing the experiences of men and women during their electoral campaigns, in order to disentangle gendered motives for political violence from other forms of violence that take on gendered forms or have gendered impacts (Bardall, Bjarnegard, and Piscopo 2019). Drawing on ethnographic observation and in-depth interviews with women and men candidates across three Kenyan countries, this paper explores gendered differences in candidates' experiences of political violence and harassment in subnational county assembly races in the lead-up to the 2017 and 2021 elections. It argues that women candidates experience higher and distinctly gendered forms of psychological abuse than their competitors, which both women and men view as an intentional political tactic used by male competitors to undermine women's popular support and push them to withdraw from their electoral campaigns. However, the broader context of impunity for non-gendered, low-level violence and intimidation also impacts women in significant ways, by advantaging candidates with financial power and prompting women to change their campaign strategies.

Paper short abstract:

We explore Sierra Leonean perspectives on the current government’s ‘feminist agenda’, including the new 30% gender parliamentary quota mandated for the June 2023 elections. We examine the diverse effects of campaigning related to women’s issues and what this can tell us about feminism in Africa.

Paper long abstract:

This paper explores the roles of (different) Sierra Leonean women in relation to the President’s ‘feminist agenda.’ Elected in 2018, Julius Maada Bio’s government has projected an image of aligning with and for women, namely by promoting girl’s education, creating stricter laws against SGBV, legalizing abortion, promoting women’s menstrual health and most recently, passing a 30% gender quota for the national parliament and local councils just ahead of the June 2023 elections. While this suggests the Bio government is prioritising a women’s agenda, female activist communities (and beyond) have reservations about the realisation of these policies and what the implications will be for women. The findings are the result of research with female political aspirants, activists and market women between mid-2022 and will be ongoing in 2023. Women have concerns about violence being targeted at them due to the social tensions arising from the 30% gender quota. To what extent is the government genuinely committed to ensuring the enactment of this bill and the protection of women throughout the process? Engaging with feminist scholarship on performativity, we explore how Bio’s international projection of ‘feminist agendas’ contrasts to different local ideas about his government’s policies, tracing how different types of agency interact with one another. The paper ultimately analyses the adverse (and sometimes violent) effects of campaigns related to women’s issues, particularly during election periods. The broader implications of this can tell us about the ongoing struggles and successes of Sierra Leonean women, and more generally feminist agendas in Africa.