Paper short abstract:

This paper will discuss examples of how Senegalese society has dealt with sexuality in the public sphere, by considering it as a space of normativization. As citizens intimate lives make their way to the public sphere, especially women and non-normative sexualities are under scrutiny.

Paper long abstract:

This paper draws on the work I have been developing for the last few years, mainly focusing on gender issues in West Africa. It intends to discuss the public sphere in Senegal (and other neighbouring countries), as a space of normativization of sexuality. The "irruption" of sexuality in the public space hasn't escaped academic attention in the past (Mamadou Diouf, Tshikala Biaya), but these last few years have seen developments that have introduced new elements, mainly due to the sprouting of new technologies and possibilities of "enregistrement", which has signified the appearance in the public sphere of the intimate lives of people living in these countries. As 'citizens' intimate lives make their way into the public sphere, public scrutiny also tends to increase and become appearingly random. Appeals to 'moral identities' and 'gender roles' are frequent and fiercely discussed, on a wide range of formats, following the logic of 'scandals': radio talk shows, television debates, closed groups in communication media, social media.

This paper will discuss some examples of how Senegalese society has dealt with sexuality in the public sphere, ranging from the instrumentalization of homophobia, with the discussion of its 'illegitimacy' or 'un-africanness' being used as a politcal tool; to the the public exposure of people's sexuality in websites like Seneporno, an extreme example of how 'public shaming' and 'rumor' are often used as instruments of social control and policig of sexuality, especially of women and non-normative sexualities.

Paper short abstract:

L'applicabilité du Genre se heurte à des traditions négatives qui bloquent le dévoilement de ses violations. Une dépolarisation sociale de la masculinité nécessite la reconnaissance des potentialités des femmes et une féminité polarisée grâce à des savoirs nouveaux et des rôles sociaux redéfinis.

Paper long abstract:

L'approche genre s'affiche parmi les impératifs de ce moment, mais son applicabilité se heurte encore à la mentalité et à des traditions négatives. Car, dans les milieux de travail au Congo, que ça soit dans le secteur formel ou informel, les femmes subissent des violences liées à leur sexe : harcèlement sexuel, brimades, menaces, abus de pouvoir et précarité de travail. Mais, ces violences sont difficiles à dévoiler, à mettre à nu, à rendre visibles et à dénoncer à cause des barrières socioculturelles, de la non judiciarisation de la culpabilisation et de la non application des instruments sociaux et juridiques existants. Souvent les commérages les récupèrent et les diluent dans de simples opinions.

La société, jadis sous le monopole de la masculinité, devrait subir un changement de sa dynamique interne pour devenir bipolarisée à la fois par la féminité et la masculinité. La dépolarisation sociale de la masculinité consiste dans la cession de certains rôles sociaux par les hommes, par consensus, suite à la reconnaissance par lui des potentialités des femmes.

Mais la cession ne doit pas être une offrande inconditionnelle, elle doit plutôt s'effectuer au regard et en fonction des aptitudes des femmes. La féminité polarisée ou active devrait à tout prix faire preuve de créativité pour engendrer des savoirs et des rôles sociaux nouveaux, car les actuels savoirs et rôles répondent à la logique sociale de la prédominance de la masculinité.

Notre propos évalue les effets et les impacts de différentes réponses sociales à ces faits de violences.

Paper short abstract:

The main objective of this paper is to present different narratives of the practice of excision (or FGM/C), in the Basse-Casamance, in Southern Senegal, confronting local visions and practices to NGOs and Senegalese Government politics.

Paper long abstract:

The main objective of this paper is to present different narratives of the practice of excision (or FGM/C), in the Basse-Casamance, in Southern Senegal. The diversity of the region and the cultural changes that have taken place in recent years, following the introduction in 1999 of a law banning the practice, make this discourse analysis essential to enable a holistic understanding of the current situation. 

The study thus seeks to understand why excision is still being performed in the area today, as well as to assess the impact of the law and the work of the government and NGOs in the area in the last two decades. This research considers the diversity of views and practices, as well as highlighting the multiple local tensions that arise from the intersectionality of visions and social models. On one hand, there are those who believe that excision is a fundamental part of a woman's life while on the other hand, others reject radically the practice appealing to Human Rights and particulary to Women's Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights. Both narratives consider that their values and practices give to women more health, more freedom and more power. In the midst of these two positions, among the population there is a wide range of opinions, debates and strategies. In this regard, the study brings together the voices of women, men and young people from different ethnic and religious origins, situating the practice of excision in a large plurality of social, political and religious contexts.

Paper short abstract:

This study aims to verify the mental health (anxiety and depression) of pregnant adolescents in Angola who sought prenatal services at the Maternity. The results show that 92% of pregnant adolescents have one single partner and 32% have reported having had other sexual partners.

Paper long abstract:

Pregnancy in adolescence is considered to be a public health problem in Angola. This is evidenced by the high number of girls seeking prenatal consultation services at the Maternity, in Lubango, Angola. In 2016 alone, 1975 births by adolescents under the age of 18 years were recorded in this hospital.

This study aims to verify the mental health (anxiety and depression) of pregnant adolescents who sought prenatal services at the Maternity.

The sample is composed of 50 Angolan pregnant teenagers, residents of Lubango, aged 13 to 17. Most of them live with their parents (82%) in the outskirts of Lubango or in the townships (67.4%). The majority has highschool education (60%).

Three instruments were used to carry out this study: a sociodemographic questionnaire, the CDI (Children's Depression Inventory) and the CMAS (Manifestational Anxiety Scale for Children).

The results show that 92% of pregnant adolescents have one single partner and 32% have reported having had other sexual partners. In 88% of the cases the father assumed paternity. The vast majority of these adolescents (94%) had not been pregnant before. Asked about their feelings and emotions about their pregnancy, 46% feel happy, 16% feel sad, 30% scared and 8% say they are desperate.

It has been found that only 20% have depression. The totality of pregnant adolescents are anxious, with 80% having moderate anxiety and 20% severe anxiety.

As for the beginning of sexual intercourse, the minimum age found was 12 years, with a mean age of 14.7 years.

Paper short abstract:

This paper concerns a development project carried out by CUAMM in the Dhaasanach and Hamar woredas of South Omo (Ethiopia). Through the analysis of the case study, the opposition between women's wishes, and their translation in their daily life and expectations will be discussed.

Paper long abstract:

This paper is one of the outcomes of the International Cooperation project "Mothers and Children First: newborn, children and women's health care among the pastoralist communities of the South Omo Zone, Ehtiopia" funded by AICS and carried out by the Italian NGO Doctors with Africa CUAMM in 2016-2017. Despite the project's main objective was the implementation of the primary health care services delivered to women and children in the Hospitals and HCs of the Zone, it included a preliminary socio-anthropological investigation in the Hamar and Dhaasanach woredas, where the women's response to the services offered was much lower than in the other areas of the Zone. The research was carried out during two periods and with two different approaches: 2) the first one, in August 2016, visiting 5 households and 5 villages respectively in the Hamar and Dhaasanach woredas, doing observation and carrying out lexical mappings and semi-structured interviews with young wives, widows, husbands and elders focussing on maternal and newborn care and health 2) the second one, in December 2017, carrying out an extensive survey based on the outcomes of the previous year. The data emerged from the comparison of the two parts of the research revealed that, despite women are aware of their unfair conditions with respect to their husbands, their need of support based on social/family ties seems to be still so strong to generally prevent them from taking public positions and stand up for their rights.

Paper short abstract:

The paper aims to contribute to the discussion about school drop-out of secondary school girls in rural communities in the northern Mozambique, from a multiple perspective analysing points of view from girls, parents, teachers and government.

Paper long abstract:

The paper identifies the factors that promote school drop-out among secondary school girls in rural communities in Nampula Province, northern Mozambique, through a case study at Anchilo Secondary School. Based on data from school drop-out and research findings from focus group and interviews, the paper discusses how the perceptions of different groups of actors, girls, parents, teachers and government institutions, regarding the role of the girl in society are related to school dropout.

Paper short abstract:

This paper explores the shift in power dynamics that have emerged with the popularity of online hashtags for feminist action both on and offline with a focus on the implication of this development on feminist solidarity.

Paper long abstract:

In October 2018, the trial of Televangelist and religious leader Timothy Omotoso, accused of trafficking more than 30 girls and women, began. During the court proceedings, #CherylZondi's questioning sparked public outrage resulting in an attack on the defense lawyer by her supporters. At the same time, a couple of women took to Facebook to victim shame Omotoso's accusers, prompting others on social media to respond by calling for the two women to be fired. Globally women are using digital activism to galvanize debates around gender-based violence. In South Africa, these kinds of debates are not novel and have often occurred offline i.e. the Jacob Zuma trial. However, the popularity of online movements such as #beingfemaleinnigeria, #rapeatazania, and #metoo are increasingly changing the terrain by showing the power such spaces have for feminists to stand as the mainstream affirming certain voices while silencing others. In this paper, we explore this shift in power dynamics by analyzing Twitter data from #Menaretrash vs #Notallmen debate that took place in May 2017, after the death of Karabo Mokoena at the hands of her boyfriend. Focusing on the power that digital feminist's hold in the South African context, our paper explores the different forms of silencing that occur amongst women given that sexual violence is generally silenced or hidden, while examining the implications this has on feminist solidarity or what Desiree Lewis calls "solidarity on the basis of crafted politics".

Paper short abstract:

This paper challenges the oft-made causal link between rape and resource extraction. We argue that the rape-resources narrative has falsely defined the nature of particular spaces, actors, and forms of violence while overlooking the myriad ways that rape and resource exploitation are indeed linked.

Paper long abstract:

In the last decade, the scope and scale of violence in eastern DRC has been mainly understood as armed groups using rape to gain access to or control over the region's rich mineral resources. Without denying both the widespread prevalence of wartime rape and the heavy involvement of armed groups and state forces in the illegal exploitation of natural resources, this article, first, illuminates the making of the rape-resources narrative. Through an analysis of media articles, reports of human rights organizations, UN and advocacy groups such as Enough we begin by tracing the limitations of this discursive complex itself. Second, drawing from our own research in these respective fields of work, together with gathered testimonies from experts working in the region, and a comprehensive review of existing literature, we argue that the causal link between rape and resource extraction is much more suggestive than proposed by the rape-resource framework. We contend that the narrative has falsely defined the nature of particular spaces, actors, and forms of violence in the Congo while overlooking the multiple and indirect ways that rape and resource exploitation are indeed linked.