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- Convenors:
-
Oscar Mateos
(Ramon Llull's University)
Andreu Sola Martin (Blanquerna University)
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- Stream:
- Politics and International Relations
- Location:
- Appleton Tower, Seminar Room 2.11
- Sessions:
- Thursday 13 June, -
Time zone: Europe/London
Short Abstract:
This panel will reflect upon the features, opportunities and challenges that civil resistance to the consolidation of dominant-party systems brings about from a comparative perspective.
Long Abstract:
Democracy's third wave has given way to some sort of dominant-party systems in most African countries. Albeit leadership turnovers have become more frequent, dominant political parties have consolidated their grip on power across African sub-regions. Some scholars have discussed recently the core features of these dominant-party systems. Although most of them formally remain multi-party systems; incumbent parties promote strong patron-client networks, abuse state resources, control public media to maintain their hegemonic position, and sometimes, try to amend their Constitutions to extend their stay in power. In this context, opposition supporters and pro-democracy activities have taken to the streets of African cities in recurrent episodes of social unrest which have often been harshly repressed.
The outcome has been different depending on the scenario: while in countries like Senegal and Burkina Faso mobilizations managed to prevent the perpetuation of their leaders in power, in others like DR Congo or Burundi, the political situation has worsened. Hence resistance to dominant-party systems is to some extent resulting in a new wave of illiberal policies and repressive practices to suppress dissent. At the same time, social protests might be fostering processes of democratisation, social empowerment and sociopolitical change.
This panel will reflect upon the opportunities and challenges that civil resistance to the consolidation of dominant-party systems brings about from a comparative perspective. Our panel will examine interactions between social movements and dominant-party systems and try to deepen our understanding about the relationship between civil resistance and democratisation in the African context.
Accepted papers:
Session 1 Thursday 13 June, 2019, -Paper short abstract:
This paper explores how and why nudity is used in public life. Using evidence from northern Uganda, we suggest understanding the use of bared bodies as a 'protest-curse' and evaluate explanations for naked political action and its effectiveness in changing socio-political realities.
Paper long abstract:
This paper explores how and why nudity is used in public life and to what effect.
Using northern Uganda as a case study, the paper speaks to broader discussions within scholarship on naked protest, the body and public authority. Numerous scholars have written about naked protest particularly in the African context focused on the gendered body. Here we bring the gendered bodily analysis into discussion with the political body, and examine how cursing as an affect relates to and shapes the nature of naked protest against state forces. In Uganda, the state has an overwhelming preponderance over the use of force and has illustrated its willingness to use that violence against public protesters (Tapscott 2016, 2017). The paper evaluates explanations for naked political action and its potential to effect socio-political realities in this context.
The paper examines first the context of nudity as a means of negotiating public life in Acholi and Ugandan culture, it then puts this into context of analyses of naked protest in broader scholarly perspective, and finally looks in depth at instances where nudity was used against the Ugandan state. In light of this, we offer an analysis of the potential power of bared bodies to create an affect of shame through a performance of extreme frustration. We suggest understanding the use of bared bodies in political action as a 'protest-curse' which asserts a moral terrain of debate over a political or economic rationality preferred by state actors.
Paper short abstract:
This paper examines the changing landscape for and role of civil society in Uganda and Rwanda, focussing upon how civil society negotiates politics of consensus building and restrictive practices of governmentality, as well as (donor) agendas towards good governance, and active citizenship.
Paper long abstract:
Civil society is positioned at the heart of drives towards good governance and (economic) development policies aimed at the global south. Critiques of these approaches have raised concerns with the politics and practices of governmentality inherent in these efforts (both the imposition of specific ideas of the 'civility' of civil society, and the delimiting of acceptable forms and practices of active/activist citizenship linked with the space for civil society), the relevance and transferability of the concept of civil society to non-Western - and, particularly, African - contexts, and concerns with such practices as a mechanism for a continued neo-colonial mission. These concerns are embodied in the landscape for civil society in many contexts, not least in post-colonial, post-conflict or post-genocide states.
This paper examines the changing landscape for and role of civil society in Uganda and Rwanda. Utilising interview and observational data, this work explores the contested terrain for - and expectations linked with - civil society and negotiations with boundaries of a politics of consensus building, (donor) agendas towards good governance and active citizenship.
Paper short abstract:
The aim of this paper is to reflect about the changing political role of Sufi marabouts of Senegal and the impact they still have in elections and processes of social movilization within a dominant-party system.
Paper long abstract:
Marabouts, Sufi Islamic leaders have been present in West Africa since the XIth century. They have played a particularly central role in the construction of the Senegalese nation-state since its colonial inception substituting traditional Wolof chiefs as middlemen in the political system imposed by the French.
Though the relationship and the political-economic entanglements between Sufi leaders and the politicians that gave birth to the Senegalese one-party postcolonial state have always been central features of the political culture of this country, this relationship has evolved over time.
From early mutual distrust between marabouts and French colonizers at the end of the XIXth century, the relationship has evolved in the postcolonial period to a relation mainly of cooperation and exchange of different kind of services. Symbolic reciprocal legitimation of the authority of the State and political mobilization of society in favor of the former, are the two main functions marabouts have provided to national politicians.
Nevertheless, since the process of liberalization of the one-party system begun in the 1980s and democratization of the regime went under way, the role of marabouts has changed in the dominant-party era. No longer able to openly support politicians, they still represent powerful material and spiritual brokers that give an overall legitimacy to the political process.
The aim of this paper is to assess the political role marabouts still play in Senegal's current dominant party system and the impact they have on a highly religious Islamic society during electoral processes.
Paper short abstract:
From the analysis of the literature and some case studies (Senegal, Burkina Faso and Democratic Republic of the Congo), the article addresses the characteristics of what has been called by some authors as the "third wave of African protests".
Paper long abstract:
Sub-Saharan Africa has been the scene of a significant wave of social protests in recent years. Despite the scarce media and academic coverage of these mobilizations, their number, intensity and physiognomy could be influencing the socio-political dynamics of the sub-Saharan region. Some of these protests present clearly shared and transversal elements among them, such as their apparently urban character, the prominent role of the youth, or the claims linked to the low social expectations of the social majority or to the malfunctioning of democratic systems. Another critical factor is also its hybrid identity, between the action on the streets and in the Internet environment. The digital dimension and the role of cyber-activism seems to be conditioning the actions, but also the physiognomy of the movements, the way of organizing and mobilizing, or their aspirations and demands.
From the analysis of the literature and some case studies (Senegal, Burkina Faso and Democratic Republic of the Congo), the article addresses the characteristics of what has been called by some authors as the "third wave of African protests". In a second part, it analyzes its digital dimension and the role that the Internet and social networks are having in the set of mobilizations, highlighting the interconnection and mutual solidarity of many of the protests and, in particular, the case of the Pan-African network "Africtivistes". Finally, the article raises some possible perspectives and future scenarios that this wave of protests could bring.