Paper short abstract:

This is a conceptual paper that examines Africa regional integration from a migrant welfare perspective based on a pan-African ideology.

Paper long abstract:

This is a conceptual paper that examines Africa regional integration from a migrant welfare perspective based on a pan-African ideology. It takes political provision for African migrant welfare as one major disjunction between the central principles of pan-Africanism as a foundational ideology for African regional integration, and a neoliberal economic fast track to regional integration and development.

Contemporary African migrants experience in African cities is increasingly being shaped by xenophobic attacks and other forms of vulnerability, especially at the informal level. Extraordinarily, in the same context of the abuse of certain African migrants, giant economic steps are being taken for African regional integration. For example, the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AFCFTA), which was signed on March 21, 2018. Irrespective of the dynamic and innovative economic and political platform of African regional integration, the role of regional institution in providing for the wellbeing of Africans is politically carved as supportive to either the nation-state or international agents, giving regional body a passive role in interventions and responsibility that concretely improve the everyday experiences of African migrants in Africa. Thus, the paper argues that the vulnerability of African migrants is reproduced as collateral damage of the regional integration project. This is because there is no regional institution with the responsibility to provide substantive social welfare for African migrants during periods of vulnerability in the host country. In this scenario, the interest of ordinary African migrants is at stake in the whole enchilada of Africa regional integration.

Paper short abstract:

On the basis of the objectives of regional integration, this paper analyses its record in Southern Africa since 2000, in terms of actual economic integration, structural change and welfare. To explain results, the paper discusses institutionalisation, distribution effects and the role of players.

Paper long abstract:

Since their independence, African countries are striving for regional integration. As all African countries are economically small, many very small, and a number land locked, there is a clear case. In a steady process countries widen and deepen their efforts in subregional bodies, through free trade areas, customs unions, and common markets. Ambition is to complement these by a continental economic union, to be added in the final stage by a political union. In addition, Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with the European Union are striving for North-South economic integration.

However, economic analysis shows that the actual results and outcomes have been much lower than anticipated. Neither have countries converged to regions, nor have these regions caught up with the industrial countries. Furthermore, there was little success in structural diversification - the basis of any sustainable wealth creation. Rather, a wide process of de-industrialisation has taken place. There are also signs of increasing inequality within and between countries, deteriorating business conditions and governance standards in many countries. In sum, the record of regional integration in Southern Africa, including EPAs, over the last decade and a half falls far short of expectations.

The article argues that in order to redeem the promise of regional integration, strengthening and deepening of the institutional basis of economies are paramount (in particular involvement of private sector and professional associations, strengthening links between the policy making and research communities). Poverty, inequality, and economic polarization as a result of regional and global integration have to be countered systematically.

Paper short abstract:

Existence of economically weak states, societal in-cohesion, ideological incoherence, and politically non-committed members, may explain integration failures or disintegration in East Africa and other parts of the world.

Paper long abstract:

Regional integration is facing serious implementation problems in the East African Community (EAC). The EAC member states agreed in 2016 to gradually phase out the second hand clothes and leather products in their jurisdictions by 2018. The agreement failed because Kenya bowed to the US government's argument that EAC member state's action would go against the spirit and principles of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). The US government threatened to reciprocate against the EAC member states by expelling them from AGOA. The signing and implementation of the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with the European Union (EU) has also stalled because of Tanzania's refusal to sign until the EU withdraws economic sanctions on Burundi. Tanzania has also raised the issue of different levels of economic developments among cooperating states.Overall, there are three structural weaknesses in the EAC. The initial two are widely predicted by integration theories: the first is its intergovernmental character (member states retain enormous decision-making powers). The second is the lack of a regional hegemony that can decisively promote integration. Thirdly is the "weak state burden"; this factor is largely ignored by theorists.This proposal focuses on the role of "weak states" that consistently undermine integration efforts in East Africa and argues that the existence of economically weak states, societal in-cohesion, ideological incoherence, and politically non-committed members, may explain integration failures or disintegration in Eat Africa and other parts of the world.

Paper short abstract:

The striking asymmetry between the economies of EAC States has always been a strong determinant of inequitable distribution of FDI among them. Could the setting up of an adequate legal and institutional framework be a good step towards a lasting solution? That is what this paper tries to explore.

Paper long abstract:

Created in 1999, the East African Community (EAC) is regional integration community constituted by six sub-Saharan countries. The purpose of this community is to promote equitable economic development through the attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI). However, although all EAC member states are developing countries, there exist deep discrepancies between their economies regarding key FDI determinants.

Despite these discrepancies, the member states have adopted a common market consecrating the free movement of goods, persons, services and capital. Yet, according to well tested New Economic Geography theory, a common market between highly asymmetric economies tend to cause agglomeration of FDI in the territories of the common market's member states that present the best comparative advantage in terms of FDI determinants.

Accordingly, only one or two EAC member states will end up reaping all the benefits of the common market in attracting the majority of FDI. This would definitely jeopardize the attainment of the EAC goal to reach an equitable distribution of FDI between its members states. As a consequence, the worse-off member states would be tempted to defect from the regional integration, which might lead to the collapse of the EAC just as it already happened in 1964 and in 1977 against the background of economic imbalances claims between member states.

This paper takes this threat seriously and examines which legal and institutional framework stemming from the EAC Treaty could be suggested to mitigate the divisive nature of FDI in the EAC.

Paper short abstract:

The EU and Africa are communities of destiny with a shared interest to work together towards sustainable development in Africa. African integration will be the key towards speeding up this process.

Paper long abstract:

Regional integration is a global phenomenon induced by economic globalisation. And yet, it is affected by two antinomic evolutions. First, a trend towards accelerated regional integration (Africa, East Asia). Second, a trend towards disintegration, led in Europe by a resurgence of aspirations towards national sovereignty, epitomised by Brexit, and by a lack of solidarity between EU member states in dealing with migrations.

Whilst the US question existing trade agreements and cancel negotiations to establish new ones, and whilst the EU finds itself at the crossroads between furthering integration, status quo, or disintegration, China is gradually setting up its new Silk Road grand plan, and on the African continent a number of regional economic blocs are building up rapidly, often with overlapping structures, as illustrated by the TFTA agreement.

This paper, first, investigates these contradictory trends and evaluates respective challenges faced by the EU and Africa in furthering their models of continental integration. It considers the economic potential for both Europeans and Africans that can be unleashed by speeding up integration processes in Africa. Second, it compares and contrasts their specific contexts and considers how to deal with the challenges of solidarity, supranational governance and shared sovereignty in both Europe and Africa. Finally it argues that Africa will be 'the China of the 21st Century', that any development, positive or negative, taking place there, will have large repercussions in Europe. And that therefore the EU and Africa are communities of destiny in need of a joint approach towards African industrialisation.

Paper short abstract:

This paper will explore how the economic partnership agreements (EPAs) negotiated between the EU and "imagined" African regional groupings have disrupted regional processes in Africa.

Paper long abstract:

This paper will explore how the economic partnership agreements (EPAs) negotiated between the EU and "imagined" African regional groupings have disrupted regional processes in Africa. Negotiated under the auspice of the Cotonou Partnership Agreement, the EPAs were intended to be "drivers of development" for the African, Caribbean, and Pacific countries. However, the negotiations have been protracted and contentious, with the few agreements that have been signed falling short of the EU's original expectations. It is the purpose of this paper to reflect on the progress that has been made to date and to critically evaluate the significance of the EPAs for the cartography of African regionalism(s). This paper will argue that the EPAs, in principle at least, are a vehicle through which African countries can integrate into the global economy albeit at the cost of disrupting the ties forged through existing regional economic communities (RECs). A review of the Caribbean EPA offers important insights into the shortcomings of these trade agreements for developing countries and highlight the challenges that African countries may encounter if the EPAs are concluded and implemented. The EPAs also pose a considerable threat to the project of pan-Africanism and this paper will explore whether these trade agreements constitute the (re)colonisation of Africa through trade. Finally, this paper will consider how the EU's trade and development relationship may shift with the revision of the Cotonou Partnership Agreement post-2020 and it will explore what opportunities may arise in the context of EU-Africa relations.

Paper short abstract:

The purpose of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement(ACFTA)is to boost trade within the Continent. However An analysis of IntraAfrican trade shows that certain factors in Africa have stalled the goal.This paper reviews policy options that could ensure a successful implementation of ACFTA

Paper long abstract:

The purpose of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (ACFTA) is to facilitate trade within the Continental economic space through enhanced trade opportunities to expand productive capacity. Such expansion of productive capacity can have important implications for the development of markets and market processes, resulting in robust, sustainable African development.

However, An analysis of Intra-African trade shows that certain external factors like EPA and WTO rules in Africa have intensified competition. What used to be local and regional markets are now part of a relatively open global market with the effect that African consumers have become more exposed to imported products, including from the emerging economies in the South, that are cheaper alternatives to continentally produced goods with intra-African exports remaining below 13% in 2016.The implications of this trend for intra-African trade and how African countries can rebuild their productive capacities and attain competitiveness should be part of the new continental agenda.

Again, what Africa produces and exports matters for intra-African trade. Export similarity gradually increased from 1995 from (11.3%)

to 2016 (12.3%), although it declined in 2010(11.5%).

However, most industrial goods exchanging in Africa are processed agricultural commodities and other agro-based industrial products. This suggests that the right policy mix will greatly improve the prospects for the expansion of intra-African trade.This paper proposes to undertake a review of policy options and measures that could ensure a successful implementation of ACFTA and enhance the bargaining power of African countries in international trade.

Paper short abstract:

The EU-Africa relationship to date has operated as asymmetric partnership, which derives directly from the imbalance of power between Europe and Africa. How is EU-Africa cooperation and the continental integration relationship influenced by these currents and developments?

Paper long abstract:

The EU-Africa relationship to date has operated as asymmetric partnership, which derives directly from the imbalance of power between Europe and Africa. The Cotonou Partnership Agreement and the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) are currents in the EU-Africa relationship which bear allegiance to the ideal of unrestricted free trade. An evaluation of Africa-Europe relationship within the EU-ACP framework presents mixed outcomes. It is possible to argue that there has been some positive aspects of the EU-Africa relationship, mostly traceable to the days of the Lomé Conventions. On the other hand, the EU-ACP framework is severely constrained and its impact on Africa development has remained minimal. The world is changing rapidly and facing new challenges, and Africa is indeed reflecting these changes. Can the patrolling logic underlying the EU-ACP framework accommodate these changes and new realities which include increased globalization, regionalisation dynamics, rise of nationalism, and far-reaching changes within the EU as illustrated in Brexit. Also, there is an assumption that the EU promotes regional integration in Africa, supporting the reproduction of its model of regional integration in the ACP regions, and working with existing initiatives towards increased regionalisation. How is EU-Africa cooperation and the continental integration relationship influenced by these currents and developments? How are the EPAs promoting the growth and development of regional integration in Africa? At a broader level, this paper examines the relevance of Euro-Africa cooperation to the growth and prospect of regional integration in Africa within the framework of the EPAs.