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- Convenors:
-
Theodoros Rakopoulos
(University of Oslo)
Leandros Fischer
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- Discussant:
-
Olga Demetriou
(University of Durham)
- Format:
- Panel
- Sessions:
- Friday 29 July, -
Time zone: Europe/London
Short Abstract:
This panel traces vernacular statecraft, seen as the performance of practices historically belonging to abstract institutions, by non-state actors we encounter in the field (brokers, experts, "influencers", voters, etc), reviewing grassroots statecraft to understand how interpersonal states work.
Long Abstract:
Who are building the languages of the state in contemporary societies? And how can we engage them ethnographically? The riddle on the state’s presence for anthropologists continues, in an era where we cannot decide whether we are experiencing the neoliberal aftermath of the acclaimed state’s roll back or if we are witnessing a pandemic-induced more interventionist role for the state. This panel calls for reviewing the various ways in which we can trace state functions in the everyday, performed not necessarily by state agents, but by other constituents of what Gramsci defined as “civil society”. Some of these facilitations for the smooth performance of the state can be done by “experts”: Brokers, middlemen, advisors as well as journalists, academics and paramilitaries are one example of such “experts”. An attention to patronage and clientelism covered some of that pre-neoliberal personification of state function, while a current attention to bureaucracy covers yet another. However, other modes of everyday state functions can be built up from below in less “professional” and more arbitrary ways – in the emic lexicon of statism or patronage, or in the vernacular languages of nationalism, race, or gender. We thus aim to trace and analyse this demotic existence of statecraft (the performance of tasks and practices historically belonging to abstract institutions by the non-state functionary people we encounter in the field). Our goal is further to put into dialogue these formations of grassroots statecraft in order to comparatively understand how personal and interpersonal states work in contemporary contexts.
Accepted papers:
Session 1 Friday 29 July, 2022, -Paper short abstract:
Colombia’s Amazon has been object of a series of interventions by the state, NGOs, and international organisations. Such interventions have created spaces in which local actors have embraced leadership roles, becoming doers of ‘gestión’. This paper analyses statecraft experiences of ‘gestión’.
Paper long abstract:
Since the late 1990s, the Putumayo region in Colombia’s Amazon has been a main scenario of social assistance, humanitarian aid, and development programmes by state institutions, NGOs, and international organisations. Such variety of interventions, rather than simply relegating indigenous and mestizo peoples to the status of beneficiaries, have propitiated spaces in which multiple local actors have decided to step in and embrace leadership roles often oriented to confront the state, negotiate with the state, and networking within the local political arena. In this context, doing ‘gestión’ is a common feature of community leadership. This category, part of Colombia’s political and bureaucratic lexicon, is now used by leaders to describe their own roles in bridging the relations between local communities, state institutions, and NGOs operating in Putumayo. ‘Gestión’ usually refers to channelling resources from the state and NGOs into community projects and activities. Exploring this ethnographic category through the life stories and everyday practices of indigenous female leaders, this paper analyses how leaders become key parts of statecraft by making ‘gestión’. Specifically, it argues that, by incorporating relations of ‘gestión’ and its bureaucratic time into their intimate lives, leaders can transform themselves and gain formal or informal positions as state intermediaries that interchangeably or simultaneously represent communities and the state.
Paper short abstract:
This paper describes how a peasant community shapes state (trans)formation processes in a Colombian conflict region through diverse encounters with different state institutions, contesting assumptions about state absence in these regions and state resentment among resistant peasants.
Paper long abstract:
This paper draws on an ethnographic case study to address how peasants in conflict regions influence, enforce, and negotiate state formation processes. In doing so, I revisit and contest three more or less implicit theoretical assumptions about peasants, state formation, and statehood in conflict regions: first, that the state is absent in conflict regions; second, that state formation processes are primarily influenced by powerful elites; and third, that resistant peasants are generally against the state. In the Colombian context, all three assumptions are projected onto the Peace Community of San José de Apartadó, where I have repeatedly conducted field research since 2006: the Peace Community is supposedly located in an area without state presence, has apparently no interest in state programs and projects, and is even hostile to the state. In this paper, I propose a different interpretation: Based on a broad conception of the state, I understand the Peace Community as part of the state, which - contrary to some state action of regional institutions - is committed to the realization of rule-of-law principles. Through various encounters with different state institutions, which I understand with Pratt as a 'contact zone', the Peace Community takes part in a permanent process of negotiation, which has as its subject the prevailing forms of statehood and legitimacy in this conflict region.
Paper short abstract:
This paper discusses the role of community or Ngo workers for Covid vaccination governance in a South Indian city. Particular attention is paid to scholarship on boundary spanners and street level bureuacrats in state practices of spatialization and the maintenance of an information divide.
Paper long abstract:
This paper brings to the fore the role of double agents or boundary spanners for covid vaccination governance in India. Based on 6 months of ethnographic fieldwork in a South Indian city, this study reveals the dependence of the state on grassroots workers for providing contextual services in times of crisis. In the case of vaccination, there was a staunch resistance to state-sponsored vaccination drives. Most of the communities who were part of the study revealed a deep-rooted mistrust of the state. By hiring workers from these very communities or from NGOs that had established relationships with these communities, the state was able to increase vaccination turnouts drastically. In the context of vaccination governance, statecraft depended on the work and relationships of these temporary and disposable street-level bureaucrats. This paper contributes to questioning the definitions of civil society versus the state and concentrates on those who work for and instead of the state in such times of crisis. In the first part of the paper, the spatialization(Ferguson and Gupta 2002) achieved and traversed through grassroots statecraft is analyzed. In the next, the author examines the role of these double agents in accumulating for the state’s information capital(Bourdieu 1995) while also transferring information across its borders. This refers to large-scale quantitative data and biomedical knowledge. In the conclusion, this paper discusses how the necessity of such boundary spanners reveal the social contract between the state and its citizens to work for the public good(Bear and Mathur 2015).
Paper short abstract:
This paper examines a massive citizenship project in borderland India through narratives of non-state contract workers involved with it to argue how their engagement introduced ‘ambivalence’ and ‘affect’ to a rigid, dry state-making regime, opening up spaces of dialogue at the grassroot level.
Paper long abstract:
2015, Assam, India: The Supreme Court of the country declares the NRC project wherein all residents of Assam would have to prove their citizenship through documentary evidence listed by the state. This massive ‘anti-immigrant’, islamophobic project in borderland India was a huge bureaucratic and technical exercise that included state officials appointed to collect and verify documents and non-state contract workers to enter all manual data online called Data-Entry Operators. While most state officials were upper caste Assamese Hindu men, the non-state contract workers were mostly Bengali Muslim men and were treated to different moral and legal standards. This paper will look at the NRC project, a 4 year long massive state-making exercise that has currently left out 1.9 million people, through the narratives and experiences of the Data-Entry Operators. It will argue how they introduced an element of ambivalence and affect in an otherwise rigid, exclusionary and document-obsessed state regime opening up possibilities of spaces of dialogue between the caste-Hindu Assamese and the Bengali Muslims, two historically opposing groups in Assam, India. This paper is based on my two-year long ethnographic fieldwork in Assam.
Paper short abstract:
We probe the Hungarian government's ‘public work' programme and show that rural mayors played a key role in its effort to ‘restore order’. Mayors acted as brokers by implementing public work schemes in a way that was in synch with the needs of the poor and projected an image of communal development.
Paper long abstract:
We propose to investigate the Hungarian government's landmark ‘public work programme’, which has been a key vehicle of its effort to ‘restore order’ in the countryside in the aftermath of the Great Recession. We focus on the figures of rural mayors who were assigned a key role in the building of a ‘work-based society’: they are responsible for organising local public work schemes. Relying on ethnographic material we collected in two peripheral villages and a small town, we argue that mayors' principal task is to mediate between the interests and aspirations of welfare-dependent ‘surplus populations' and crisis-stricken ‘post-peasant’ petty bourgeoisies. We show that to fulfil the state-assigned role of brokerage mayors drew on the historical archive of rural clientelism to forge new types of patron-client relations with the poor, and organized public work schemes in a way that projected an image of community cohesion and development. The key takeaway is that state-enabled grassroots clientelism has successfully tamed social conflicts in the countryside through the hierarchical reincorporation of socio-economically excluded surplus populations and by upholding the simulacrum of development in economically stagnating rural regions. Our interpretation is at odds with scholarly interpretations of public work, which emphasize its top-down character or portray the poor as passive suffering subjects. Instead, we emphasise that the programme reserves a certain room of manoeuvre for mayors and that clientelism creates mutual - if asymmetric - obligations and is therefore amenable to building consensus.