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- Convenors:
-
Jérémie Voirol
(University of Manchester)
Diego Valdivieso (Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile)
Juan del Nido (University of Cambridge)
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- Format:
- Panels
- Location:
- Aula Magna-Kungsstenen
- Sessions:
- Thursday 16 August, -, -
Time zone: Europe/Stockholm
Short Abstract:
Drawing on mobility beyond its spatial connotations and thinking broadly of policy, authority and governance, this panel studies how policies organising flows of people, information or resources are themselves mobilised, created, invoked or subverted by those responsible for their application.
Long Abstract:
In the particular form of the bureaucrat, studies in the social sciences have long been concerned with how those in a position of relative, direct authority over the lives of others translate, interpret and mobilise various forms of knowledge to activate or hinder the distribution of resources or status (Weber, Herzfeld, Auyero, Lipsky, Bainton et al.). Broadening the concept of mobility and breaking it off from its versions purely linked to spatial movement, we seek to address how street-level bureaucrats and public servants but also doctors, external consultants, Big Men, technicians and many others are officially or de facto directly or partially in charge of sanctioning, monitoring and deciding how resources, humans, their bodies, their status, benefits, among others, move, shift, settle or not. In this vein, this panel invites submissions that address the following questions:
How do individuals inhabit the institutional position of blocking or allowing someone's or something's movement? What different kinds of knowledge do they leverage, within and outside the institutional forms, in order to decide what moves, flows and shifts and what does not? What is the role of their subjectivity and positionality in the scope and legitimacy of their decisions? Besides discretionality, what other engagements, motivations, emotions, perhaps overzealousness, indolence, compassion, meticulousness, morality, do those in charge of such decisions operate on, and to what ends? What are the politics of mobilising policies and of policies mobilisation? How do those in charge of these decisions engage with these policies and why?
Accepted papers:
Session 1 Thursday 16 August, 2018, -Paper short abstract:
This paper examines the paradox of doctors disrupting biomedical techniques of examination and harnessing embodied and intuitive forms of authoritative knowledge in order to diagnose and map out conditions within those very biomedical classifications.
Paper long abstract:
Once a year since 2013, taxi drivers in the City of Buenos Aires, Argentina, undergo a series of clinical tests managed by the taxi drivers' union with explicit governmental support, aimed at "professionalising" the trade and tending to drivers' health, road safety and a perpetual betterment of circulation in Buenos Aires at large. These tests are carried out by road safety technicians, lawyers and doctors of different specialisations, all of which act as bureaucrats in the imbricated and interlinked processes designed to "conduct taxi drivers' conduct".
Based on ethnographic fieldwork among the ophthalmologists in charge of visual acuity examinations, in this paper I analyse how doctors (de)activated biomedical knowledge and bureaucratic practices at the time of deciding whether to extend or withhold drivers' permits. In a discipline as scripted and streamlined as contemporary Western medicine, these doctors often disrupted and reorganised the techno-clinical order of administration of a given examination in order to break through both patients' nervousness and bureaucratic unyieldingness and fully determine, beyond technicalities, whether the patient could see or not and how. Neither entirely pity nor amoral "technocratism", I show how the ethics of care and an embodied, intuitive knowledge which they accounted for on the basis of social, clinical and bureaucratic experience, articulated the application of both bureaucratic and medical policies onto taxi drivers' bodies and their possibilities to move or not.
Paper short abstract:
The paper explores how the everyday practices of teachers in state schools might sometimes work against policies aiming at improving educational equality and social justice in Chile.
Paper long abstract:
In 2006 and 2011 massive student protests in Chile demanded free and quality public education that would tackle the country's high level of inequality. From 2015, the left-centre government started an Educational Reform, a series of policies aiming at improving educational equality and social justice by offering more opportunities to the most disadvantaged groups. One of the most controversial of them was the "Inclusion Law", which prohibited state schools from selecting and expelling students based on their academic or behavioural performance. The law generated mixed feelings amongst state-school teachers, some thinking this could decrease the quality of the education provided under the trope of "a rotten apple spoils the rest". This paper shows how the daily work of teachers (intendedly and unintendedly) force disruptive or with low-school-performance young people and their families to take in their hands the decision of moving to another school or dropping out altogether by means of repeated punishment such as detention and suspension, and impeding them from receiving benefits. Teachers then often question the ethics of their actions and mobilise rewards and punishments sometimes for the sake of the individual, sometimes for what it is seen as the greater good for the group. The competitiveness essential to modern school systems either way reproduces inequality on a daily basis by pushing some students out of the system.
Paper short abstract:
This paper is an attempt to analyze the current migrational politics in Poland by using a case study of Belarussian students. By juxtaposing the perspective of the students with the legal regulations I will present the profile of migrants who are welcome in Poland.
Paper long abstract:
Proposed paper is based on the fieldwork conducted among students from Belarus who have had experience with higher education or higher professional education in Poland. The paper is an attempt to present tactics (within the meaning of the theory proposed by de Certeau (1999)) used by the students and the strategies used by Polish state and the European Union towards migrants. By juxtaposing individual experiences of the students with the migration regulations on the national level I present the idea behind those regulations - the polonocentrism and cultural selection of the incoming migration to Poland.
The paper will be divided into two parts. Firstly, I will introduce the key issues, the context and the political aspects of the educational migration to Poland. In the second, more analytical part, by juxtaposing individual experiences of students with strategies of the Polish government and EU legal regulations concerning foreigners I will describe different tactics taken by the Belorussian citizens studying in Poland and move forward to presenting the image of a perfect migrant, that lays behind the regulations. I claim that the regulations preserve the discourse of Poland as a local empire and favors students and migrants with Polish background. Those legal acts also empower highly qualified young people to migrate, while at the same time the current Polish government is using antimigration rhetorics. In addition, this paper also takes a critical look at the Polish attempts to impose cultural hegemony in the region.
Paper short abstract:
This paper examines the ways in which the ban of the German website "Linksunten.indymedia" in 2017 has been legitimatized politically, juridically, and medially. By also drawing on the larger literature it attempts to give voice to those actors responsible for executing a political decision.
Paper long abstract:
In the summer of 2017, shortly after the G20 protest in Hamburg, Germany, the left-wing online platform "Linksunten.indymedia" - itself being part of a worldwide network of websites founded after the WTO 1999 meeting in Seattle - was banned. Taking this not so isolated event as an example, this paper addresses the bigger picture of situating the platform to its (anonymous) members, its perceived agenda driven in part by anti-capitalist ideals, and the German governments apparent need to act upon it in multiple ways and at this point in time.
By drawing on official political and juridical statements, related journalistic articles in a broader sense, and insights from comparable events, I focus on the period from making the official decision up to its execution. By following the chain of command (and possible resistance) the paper will relate specific actions and actors to social science's current theories on bureaucracy, authority, (dis)obedience and, to some extent, practices of censorship.
While some on the website's content may have been debatable, the way this takedown has been legitimatized politically, juridically, and medially has been critiqued ever since. Together with search warrants executed by the police, politics argued with loopholes in German law to ban and thereby censor the work of many anonymous users of the website, and therefore effectively shut down any possible dialogue which potentially could have challenged the status quo.
Paper short abstract:
This paper explores the brokerage role that field-level officials play while securing and mobilising resources which will be ultimately transformed into projects for the users of an agricultural programme.
Paper long abstract:
The Programa de Desarrollo Territorial Indígena (Territorial Indigenous Development Programme - PDTI), works through public funds generally provided by different departments of the central government seeking to deliver previously defined benefits such as tools and machinery for agriculture, rainwater harvesting and energy solutions, labour training, among others. The field-level officials carrying out this programme are those performing state-like practices in the front-line and, thus, decentralising and materialising it.
Using their expertise beyond agriculture, the state officials implementing this programme in Castro, capital district of the Archipelago of Chiloé in south Chile, hold the key that would allow the movement of resources. Using their territorial knowledge they act as customs office that endorses the movement and relocation of resources and the subsequent implementation of projects. In this vein, through their brokerage practices, they translate available funds into material objects or relations that would meet the needs of the applicants (users of the programme). Acting as brokers, and using their discretion, they shape the material dimension of the programme's outcomes. Through their privileged position, and mediated by their experiences, knowledge and interests, they guide the flow of resources.
Based on ethnographic fieldwork among these field-level officials, this paper will address the following questions: How projects, activated through contingent practices, allow the movement of resources? How through their discretional practices these brokers secure and mobilise resources which will be ultimately transformed into inputs or supplies (projects) for the users, decentralising and materialising a state policy in a local context?
Paper short abstract:
This paper examines the role of academics in the emergence of three Muslim thinkers as authoritative voices on Islam in Europe. It explores how scholars mobilised knowledge and resources in order to provide access for these thinkers to European institutions and publications.
Paper long abstract:
The raised attention towards Islam and Muslims in the last four
decades in Europe has sparked interest in authoritative Muslim voices.
This has been reflected also in the academia, with the emergence of a
broad literature on contemporary Muslim thinkers. In this context, the
selection of whose voice is discussed as authoritative is often
influenced by policies at national and international level, and
networks of scholars. The latter often act as gatekeepers by selecting
thinkers to translate and/or discuss in their publications but also in
mobilising and securing resources for these thinkers to enter European
institutions. This paper will discuss the role of academics in the
emergence of three Muslim thinkers in Europe: namely, Nasr Hamid Abu
Zayd (1943-2010), Mohammed Arkoun (1928-201) and Abdolkarim Soroush
(1945-). By elaborating Bourdieu's analysis of the role of gatekeepers
in the international circulation of ideas (Bourdieu, 2002), the paper
investigates the role of European scholars in the distribution of
knowledge, resources and ultimately status for these three thinkers.
The work will argue that the gatekeepers' selection was shaped by
pressures at the policy level (meant to promote 'liberal' and
'progressive' Muslim voices as reflected by Arkoun, Abu Zayd and
Soroush), their own personal agenda (interest and/or commitment to
these thinkers' cause) and their access to knowledge on the three
Muslim thinkers.