Send message to Author

Paper short abstract

Using mixed methods, this study re-examines claims of Japan’s "right-leaning youth". By linking young people’s political information sources to socioeconomic traits and political orientations, it identifies political cleavages and provides a basis for assessing the effects of Heisei-era politics.

Paper long abstract

In response to claims of a “right-leaning youth” that circulated widely in Japanese and international media in the early 2000s, subsequent research has shown that this apparent trend is better understood as a reflection of socioeconomic insecurity among young people rather than a clear ideological shift to the right. Existing scholarship has further argued that this trend cannot be readily discussed in comparative terms with the rise of the right in other advanced democracies, owing to fundamental differences in ideological semantics. Despite these contributions, comprehensive knowledge of young people’s political orientations in Japan remains limited. One reason for this gap lies in the inconsistent use of ideological axes in survey research, most notably progressive-conservative, liberal-conservative, and left-right, which makes it difficult to develop an integrated understanding of young people’s political attitudes, let alone to facilitate cross-national comparison. Against this backdrop, this presentation asks: how do young people in Japan orient themselves politically? What factors help explain these orientations? Combining quantitative analyses with qualitative insights, the presentation identifies the location of political cleavages among young people and examines the rationales underpinning them, contributing both to and beyond Japan-focused scholarship. The study makes three main contributions: first, drawing on original survey data, it examines how young people interpret and engage with the three major ideological axes. Second, by linking patterns of political information acquisition to socioeconomic characteristics and political attitudes, it sheds light on how information sources shape young people’s relationship with politics. Third, focusing on individuals who came of age during the Heisei era, the study captures the longer-term effects of political developments during this period, providing a foundation for analysing generational effects. These findings are particularly salient in light of young people’s growing support for the current prime minister, whose robust defence posture and restrictive social policies signal social conservatism and diplomatic assertiveness. Situated within a context of party politics adrift and an increasingly tense security environment, this presentation offers broader insights into the political psychology and political sociology of youth in contemporary Japan.

Send message to Author

Paper short abstract

This paper presents the conspiratorial discourse of an emerging Japanese party from an interpretive perspective and asks why conspiracy theories are so often used by political actors who paradoxically seek to become part of the mainstream.

Paper long abstract

Sanseitō is a far-right challenger party founded in 2020 and gained its initial set of seats on a platform criticizing COVID-19 vaccines, pandemic measures, and other policies related to fringe conspiracy theories. The party broke into the mainstream during its 2025 Tokyo Assembly and the Upper House election campaigns, which both centered on the party's nativist platform under the slogan "Japanese First" (Nipponjin fāsuto). The party's subsequent success---particularly its staggering 14 new seats in the National Diet---suggested a latent demand for more stringent controls on immigration policy and inbound tourism.

Challenger parties typically seek to exploit their comparative advantages: its anti-immigration platform (aided by its overall credible and professional image) allowed it to outmaneuver the pro-business LDP, other rightwing conservatives, and the liberal opposition as the media framed the issue as a legitimate concern held by a growing number of Japanese voters. By contrast, conspiracy theories are socially costly and unlikely to be taken up by the mass media. One would therefore be excused in expecting the party to tone down its extreme rhetoric as it instead expanded its far-right political platform.

And yet, the party rapidly doubled down on some of its most extreme claims. In the immediate aftermath of UH elections, Sanseitō re-committed to its anti-COVID-19 vaccine rhetoric and its belief that the LGBTQ movement is part of a Cultural Marxist scheme to undermine the domestic traditions and security. Moreover, the party continues to use its limited resources to call attention to these issues. This raises the question: why are conspiracy theories so often used by political actors who paradoxically seek to become part of the mainstream? This chapter uses the case of the far-right conspiracy party Sanseitō to shed light on what conspiracy theories do for political actors. It focuses on the interpretive role of conspiracies, analyzing Diet interactions, public media appearances, and the party's official YouTube channel. In doing so, it gives valuable insights into the ways in which politicians represent their constituents through the advancement of conspiracy theories.

Send message to Author

Paper short abstract

This paper examines how young activists in Japan in the 1970s-80s pursued political autonomy through the small liberal party Kakushin Jiyū Renmei. It explores the concepts of participation within the party, shedding light on the tensions between postwar democracy and alternative politics.

Paper long abstract

　　This paper examines how young activists in 1970s and 1980s Japan sought to realize political autonomy through the establishment and operation of a small liberal party, the Kakushin Jiyū Renmei (Innovative Liberal Party). While existing scholarship on postwar Japan has increasingly focused on youth culture, subcultures, and media in the context of the expanding consumer society of the 1970s and 1980s, far less attention has been paid to how the political interests and cultural practices of young people became connected to party politics. By addressing this gap, the paper explores the relationship between youth culture, political participation, and institutional politics.

　　The analysis is based primarily on the magazine Hanashi no Tokushū (1965–1995), a subcultural and political publication closely associated with liberal youth activism. Drawing on articles, editorials, and political commentary in the magazine, the paper traces how young activists articulated dissatisfaction with existing political parties and social movement organizations and attempted to create an alternative political space through party formation. Particular attention is paid to the ways in which autonomy, independence, and participation were framed as core political values and translated into organizational practices and electoral strategies.

The paper further examines the role played by the Kakushin Jiyū Renmei within parliamentary politics, including its initial electoral success under the nationwide constituency system in the 1970s and the challenges it faced following changes to the electoral system in the early 1980s. It also analyzes internal transitions that emerged as party members increasingly emphasized less inclusive and aggressive discourse in Hanashi no Tokushū, a shift that coincided with the party’s fragmentation and eventual split in 1983.

By tracing these developments, this study raises a broader question: why did actors who were critical of postwar democracy and committed to autonomy and participation encounter difficulties within institutional politics, at times undermining the very values they sought to promote? The paper argues that this tension highlights the complex relationship between social consciousness and party politics in late postwar Japan and offers new insight into the limits of small-scale political experimentation within democratic institutions.