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The Japanese Dutch scholar Kawamoto Komin (川本 幸民 1810-1871), translated several chemistry books. In his Book Reader Kagaku tokuhon, Kawamoto listed a table of thirty-seven chemical elements, Their names in Dutch, Latin, chemical symbol, Chinese and atomic weight. The book research is presented.

Paper long abstract

Japan started studying books from the West by translating books in Dutch, either original Dutch books or translated into Dutch from other languages in Europe in late 18th century. Books in Dutch were allowed to enter Japan by the ruling Tokugawa authorities. These are called Dutch Studies and the Dutch scholars called rangakusha.

Udagawa Youan (1798-1846)1 and Kawamoto Komin (川本 幸民 1810-1871), are the more prominent chemistry translators of their time. Kawamoto translated several book chemistry books, studied by Yatsumimi Toshifumi.2

Kawamoto translation in Kagaku tokuhon is thought to be from the original Dutch-language book, by Anthony Hendrik van der Boon Mesch's (1804-74) Leerboek der Scheikunde, met toepassing op kunsten en fabrriken (A Textbook of Chemistry, with Application to Arts and Manufacturing).

In Kagaku tokuhon, Chemistry Reader, he lists a scholarly table of thirty-seven chemical elements, presenting, from top down: the name of an element in Dutch, and Latin, both are written in katakana. The middle page includes the chemical symbol of each element followed by Latin by kanji characters, and the Chinese-Japanese name. The last entry is the atomic weight of each element, correct or mistaken.

Kawamoto's translation of Kagaku tokuhon will be presented.

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In 1882, Nakae Chōmin translated Rousseau’s Social Contract into kanbun, rendering Rousseau’s juridical arguments using the moral and emotional vocabulary of Mencius. This work was a call to recover democracy in its Confucian past and an act of resistance to Japan’s wholesale Westernization.

Paper long abstract

In 1882, Nakae Chōmin, leader of Japan’s pro-democracy movement, translated Rousseau’s Social Contract into kanbun, “importing” popular rights to Japan. Referring to the galvanizing impact his Rousseau translation had on youth, Itagaki Taisuke, leader of the Liberal Party, later wrote: “He aroused the enthusiasm of his students with his attacks on the aristocracy and criticism of the division of society into classes, so that his fame, rising like a winged horse into the sky, drew many young men attracted by his thinking to his school.” His translation was avidly read by political reformists and revolutionaries in both Japan and China, earning him the sobriquet of “Rousseau of the Orient.” However, this work can hardly be counted a “translation” in the modern sense since it is only a third of the source work and used the moral and emotional vocabulary and framework from Mencius to render Rousseau's juridical arguments.

In my paper, I complicate the notion that Chōmin “imported” democracy to Japan by examining both text and context. He always insisted that “democracy”, never a monopoly of the West, had existed in ancient China. Just as Plato held that learning is the recollection (anamnesis) of innate knowledge, not the acquisition of new knowledge, Chōmin held that the concept of democracy existed long ago but could be retrieved and recalled. Secondly, Chōmin is a prime example of the continued vibrancy and relevance of Sinitic culture in Japan in the Meiji period. He continued to study classical Chinese throughout his life, but he also used it to write and translate works of Western philosophy. Lastly, Chōmin’s thought was shaped by the world in which he lived during the bakumatsu and early Meiji periods. The semi-colonial position of Japan in the global order of the late 19th century, known in Western historiography as the Treaty Port System, had a decisive and formative impact on his writings. I will, accordingly, propose a new interpretation of his intellectual trajectory by examining them through a post-colonial framework.

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Kanzen chōaku shaped Edo-period literature beyond didactic works. It worked as a narrative vector organizing texts through value points. This paper examines its evolution across yomihon, kusazōshi, and ninjōbon, demonstrating how its manifestations corresponded to era's ideological transformations.

Paper long abstract

Kanzen chōaku (rewarding good and punishing evil) was among the most prominent didactic mechanisms employed by authors to shape readership values during the Edo period. Rooted in Confucian ideology, its sphere of influence extended beyond conventional didactic fiction, such as yomihon (reading books), to encompass entertainment-oriented literary productions as well.

As Tanaka Norio has argued, kanzen chōaku evolved into a crucial element of text organization, functioning analogously to what Gérard Genette termed a “narrative vector”, since it determined the overall architecture of texts, enabling readers to understand character roles and narrative developments through the lens of numerous “value points” – what Vincent Jouve describes as “expressions of values at the textual level”.

While kanzen chōaku constituted a foundational element of explicitly didactic literary works, it gradually came to influence texts unrelated to an educational strategy. This paper examines the evolution of narrative structures and dramatis personae in a corpus comprising yomihon, kusazōshi, and ninjōbon under the action of kanzen chōaku. The study aims to demonstrate how different manifestations of kanzen chōaku – and different textual structures – correspond to transformations in the broader ideological landscape of the era.

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This paper reassesses Obata Tokujiro as a pivotal mediator of modern thought in Meiji Japan. By analyzing his strategy of "Annotation," it explores how he recontextualized Western concepts—including Fukuzawa Yukichi's radicalism—into a coherent, functional intellectual "stock" for Japan.

Paper long abstract

Obata Tokujiro (1842–1905), a central figure in the Keio Gijuku circle, has long been viewed as a secondary figure following in the footsteps of the enlightenment giant Fukuzawa Yukichi. This paper challenges this narrative by defining Obata as a pivotal mediator who provided the systematic framework and intellectual "annotation" (chūkai) necessary to ground modern social thought in the Japanese landscape. 

While Fukuzawa’s thought was characterized by pioneering provocations, Obata acted as a vital intermediary who interpreted and adapted these ideas into workable social systems. His uniqueness lay in his methodological strategy of "Annotation". For instance, in formulating the Code of Morals (Shushin Yoryo) in 1900, Obata mediated between radical enlightenment and traditional sensibilities by arguing that morality is historically contingent. He legitimized this shift by citing the history of Confucian hermeneutics, demonstrating that the interpretation of texts must evolve with the social context. 

Beyond morality, Obata applied this functionalist approach to politics and economics. He introduced parliamentary procedures (Giji Hikkei) as the essential "wheels" for the "carriage" of civilized politics and provided a functional defense of commercial society by inverting traditional hierarchies. This paper argues that Obata was an active interpreter who mediated even Fukuzawa’s ideas into a durable intellectual "stock" for Meiji Japan. His work reveals that Japan's modernization was not a simple displacement of tradition, but a continuous process of intellectual mediation.

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This paper examines Japanese intellectual opposition to the San Francisco Peace Treaty, arguing that the 1951 debate marked both the first large-scale public discussion of peace in postwar Japan and the definitive breakdown of the postwar “community of remorse” amid Cold War polarization.

Paper long abstract

he Treaty of San Francisco, signed on September 8, 1951, between Japan and the Allied powers of World War II, was an event that not only provided the basis for the end of the American occupation half a year later, but also profoundly shaped international relations, giving birth to what is often called the “San Francisco system.” Especially impactful—in the global Cold War context—was the refusal of the Soviet Union to sign the treaty, as well as the exclusion of Communist China from the treaty negotiations and conference.

Most studies analyze the Treaty of San Francisco from the perspectives of either Japan’s political history or international relations. This paper proposal is an attempt to shed light on the opposition to the treaty among contemporary Japanese intellectuals. My thesis is that the intellectual debate over the Treaty of San Francisco fulfilled two key functions in Japan’s early postwar history. First, it served as an instance in which the topic of peace (which emerged in Japan in late 1948 with the Peace Problem Discussion Group) became the subject of national public debate for the first time on such a large scale. The wider Japanese peace movement, which started in 1954, to a large extent drew on the arguments articulated during the 1951 debate over the peace treaty. Second, I argue that this debate marked the moment when the relatively tight-knit postwar community of Japanese intellectuals (often referred to as the “community of remorse”) definitively broke down, signaling rising tensions related to Cold War polarization.

This paper proposal is firmly rooted in my own research on the intellectual history of occupation-era Japan in the context of the Cold War, which was unfolding on a global scale at the time the treaty negotiations were taking place. My analysis is heavily based on Japanese primary sources, such as sōgō zasshi (“general opinion magazines”) including Sekai, Chūō Kōron, Tenbō, and Bungei Shunjū, as well as on memoirs of prominent historical actors. I utilize both English- and Japanese-language scholarship on the subject.

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I trace how the concept ‘shumi’ was rhetorically deployed to shape how people sensed, behaved and consumed. More than a translation of ‘taste’, I claim that ‘shumi’ tied aesthetic sensibility to social participation, benefiting specific actors as middle-class identities formed in modernizing Japan.

Paper long abstract

This paper positions the concept of ‘shumi’ – introduced into the Japanese vernacular in the late 19th century as a translation for the word ‘taste’ – as a marker that reveals how the cultivation of a sensibility toward nature and art was directly tied to socio-economic participation. I demonstrate how the language of ‘shumi’ was deployed in a broad spectrum of socio-historical contexts to shape how people ought to behave, sense, and consume, while serving the interests of specific individuals and institutions. An analysis of ‘shumi’ thus goes beyond merely acknowledging the friction that arises when abstract concepts are transposed across cultures and languages. Rather, this paper sheds light on how the often ambiguous discursive language of beauty disrupts and conditions the socio-political realm, serving as a medium through which newly emerging middle-class identities were negotiated and established.

Drawing on Jacques Rancière’s idea of ‘le partage du sensible’ – the sensible as that which is simultaneously shared and divides – I argue not only that ‘shumi’ holds a unique status among the many translation words from the same period tasked with sustaining the rhetoric of a modernizing nation-state, but also that it represents the intersection of aesthetics and politics in late 19th and early 20th century Japanese literary discourse and fiction.

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Imports of large mammals such as elephants or pantherinae attracted considerable attention in 18th- and 19th-century Japan. Their mere sight was believed to cure infectious diseases. Using kawaraban and colour woodcuts as a starting point, my paper explores some backgrounds of this view.

Paper long abstract

In the 18th and 19th centuries, foreign animals increasingly reached Japan through trade relations with China and the Netherlands. Rare mammals in particular attracted great attention. Species such as dromedaries, elephants or tigers were presented as “show objects” (misemono) and fixed in art and literature. In popular belief, they were perceived as divine beings, and their mere sight was accredited with healing and protective effects against feared infectious diseases such as measles and smallpox.

This lecture aims to shed light on some contexts of this view. My starting point are popular broadsheets (kawaraban) and colour woodcuts (nishiki-e) that were released on the occasion of the arrival of non-indigenous species in Japan and also sold at animal shows: In 1824, Utagawa Kuniyasu (1794–1832) and Santō Kyōzan (1769–1858) created a print of dromedaries. In the years 1860 and 1863, Utagawa Yoshitoyo (1830–66) and Kanagaki Robun (1829–94) provided images and texts for broadsheets dealing with a leopard (presented as a tiger) and an elephant. In addition to knowledge about the rare beings, these sources contain information about their medical benefits.

The analysis will focus on three aspects: Firstly, the paper will outline the view of the aforementioned animals in Japanese culture before the Edo period, focusing on Buddhism, as well as on images and objects from China and Korea. Secondly, I will delineate their relevance as ingredients in Chinese medicine as practised in Japan. Thirdly, the role of images in the treatment of measles and smallpox will be looked at. In this regard, amongst others, strong heroic figures such as Minamoto no Tametomo and mythological creatures like Chinese lions (shishi) were significant motifs. As I will show, rare animals were associated with similar characteristics.

The sources examined in this paper indicate that in contrast to Chinese medicine, in which parts of the aforementioned animals functioned as medical substances, popular conceptions in 19th-century Japan primarily focused on the effects of their sight. Using images of imported species as remedies and prevention of diseases testifies to the creative approach and imagination of the population in dealing with plagues at that time.

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The “turn to nature” developed by intellectuals in the Edo period did not only concern the use of the land’s resources. For thinkers like Honda Toshiaki or Kaiho Seiryō, it also involved a “naturalization” of politics and economics—which they articulated in traditional “Confucian” terms.

Paper long abstract

At least among intellectuals, the Edo period saw a fundamental “turn to nature” in the way the environment was named, conceived and treated. This involved not only the understanding, exploration, and exploitation of the land as a well-spring of resources that was highlighted by Marcon in his influential study on the Knowledge of Nature, but also a new perspective on politics and the economy. Remarkably in light of the endemic equation between modernization and Westernization, it was possible to articulate this new approach to the world in traditional terms.

Marcon highlighted how Satō Nobuhiro 佐藤信淵 (1769-1850) understood the land as an inexhaustible source of wealth and harvesting its riches as a primary task of good government. Nobuhiro was neither alone nor the first one to posit such endeavors as a central duty of those governing the realm, and the most expedient means to provide for its people. Honda Toshiaki 本多利明 (1744-1821), a slightly older theorist, had furthermore proposed that government along these interventionist lines meant to “grasp the nature” (shizen o toru 自然を採る) of social and political dynamics, much as the dexterous control of money supply meant to “grasp the nature” of the economy. His phrasing makes explicit a conviction that we find also in other philosophers such as Miura Baien 三浦梅園 (1723-1789), Yamagata Bantō 山片蟠桃 (1748-1821), or Kaiho Seiryō 海保 青陵 (1755-1817): the conviction that there is a “natural” order not only of heaven and earth, but also of society and the economy; and that it is the task of scholars to understand the patterns of this order and how they translate into processes that may be directed toward human ends. This shared conviction in the abstract appears to converge with the modern understanding of nature—which may suggest inspiration by contact with European science. But a closer look at the sources reveals that all these philosophers draw on older East Asian traditions, each selecting and rewriting them in his particular way.

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Analyzing Shionoya Tōin’s Heitei Keikairoku, this paper explores the strategic use of Song history of China to defend Interactions Between Heaven and Humankind against Western science, reframing omens as indispensable moral and political warnings for late Edo rulers.

Paper long abstract

The late Edo period witnessed a profound crisis in the traditional views on Interactions Between Heaven and Humankind (tenjin sōkan-ron 天人相関論), which held that natural disasters were divine warnings directed at the ruler’s conduct. While intellectual predecessors like Koga Seiri 古賀精里 noted that the increasing precision of Western astronomy threatened to render "Heaven" indifferent to human affairs, scholars sought new strategies to maintain the political efficacy of cosmic warnings.

This paper focuses on the strategies of the Confucian scholar Shionoya Tōin 塩谷宕陰(1809–67), specifically his compilation of the Heitei Keikairoku 丙丁炯戒録(1838). We examine how Tōin appropriated the "Heitei prophecy" (Heitei saiisetsu 丙丁災異説)—a Song dynasty theory asserting that catastrophic events occur cyclically in the years of Heigo 丙午 and Teibi 丁未—to provide a historical and providential framework for political reform.

In the first section, we analyze Tōin’s motivation for reviving this Song-era discourse. We argue that Tōin sought to address the mounting domestic unrest and external threats of the 1830s and 40s by superimposing the tragic fall of the Northern Song dynasty onto the Tokugawa Shogunate’s political reality.

The second section elaborates on Tōin’s theoretical synthesis. Confronted with "Western theories" (Taisei no setsu 泰西の説) that reduced celestial phenomena to natural laws, Tōin attempted a harmonization. He utilized the concept of "Establishing Teachings via the Way of the Spirits" (shindō sekkyō 神道設教), effectively reframing traditional omens as a necessary "decoration" of scientific truth to ensure the moral restraint of the ruling elite.

The final section discusses the influence of Tōin’s work, particularly the critique by the hardline scholar Ōhashi Totsuan. Totsuan rejected Tōin’s conciliatory approach, arguing that reframing Interactions Between Heaven and Humankind as an "expedient means" (hōben 方便) or "deception" undermined the absolute truth of the Way.

By analyzing these debates, this paper uncovers the unexpected legacy of Song dynasty history in Japan. It clarifies how late Edo intellectuals used the Heitei prophecy not merely as superstition, but as a sophisticated weapon of words to preserve a moral universe of Interactions Between Heaven and Humankind against modern scientific rationalism.

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This paper uncovers an anti-imperial vision of progress in modern Japan through Eto Tekirei’s concept of hyakushō (‘one hundred natures’). It reveals an inclusive vision that reimagined farmers as agents of progress, rejected nationalism, and extended solidarity to Koreans amid imperial violence.

Paper long abstract

Modern historical writing has long been shaped by the ideologies of the nation-state and empire, which also structured the concepts through which modern societies understood progress, civilisation, and the human. In early twentieth-century Japan, farming occupied a particularly powerful place within this conceptual framework, positioned as both the socio-economic foundation of the Japanese nation and the timeless essence of Japanese civilisation. This paper challenges that dominant understanding by recovering the invention of a competing concept of the human and natural world, which rejected state-led capitalist agriculture and the nation-state itself. By liberating farming from nationalist ideology, it advances a more egalitarian and inclusive conception of both agriculture and ‘the people’.

The paper does so through an analysis of the ideas and practices of Eto Tekirei, a farmer, agrarian thinker, and best-selling author who challenged state-endorsed notions of progress with the hoe. Central to Tekirei’s thought was the invention of hyakushō 百性 (‘one hundred natures’), a neologism and wordplay on hyakushō 百姓 (farmers). Through hyakushō, Tekirei reimagined humanity as fundamentally diverse yet inclusive. He sought to dismantle the hierarchies and divisions that underpinned dominant ideas of social order, positioning farmers at the centre of this reconfiguration. This vision departed from official discourses that cast farmers as the source of Japaneseness, as well as from the exclusionary concept of kokumin (the nation’s people), which manifested violently in the targeting of Koreans during the massacres following the Great Kantō Earthquake. Tekirei’s hyakushō explicitly transcended such socially constructed boundaries and extended to Koreans, leading him in practice to secretly shelter Korean students from the violence at his farm.

This paper argues that, through the invention of hyakushō, farmers were reimagined as agents of progress rather than its antithesis. Conventionally associated with conservative and timeless tradition, farmers instead emerged as pioneers of a radical alternative modernity that sought to liberate everyday life from the logic of the nation-state and to ground knowledge and social improvement in symbiotic relationships with nature. By centring hyakushō as individualised yet interconnected beings, Tekirei challenged the state-endorsed meaning of farming that underpinned Japanese imperial civilisation.

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Izutsu Toshihiko’s philosophical semantics enables intercultural dialogue through a "flexible mind" and reveals latent existential attitudes towards nature in ancient texts. This paper explores its extension to ecological ethics as a non-anthropocentric transformation of language.

Paper long abstract

Izutsu Toshihiko (井筒俊彦, 1914-1993) was a major Japanese philosopher, best known for his works on Islamic mysticism and his translation of the Qurʾān. Yet, with philological mastery over more than twenty languages, he also studied many intellectual traditions across East Asia, like Zen, Taoism, and Mahāyāna Buddhism, among others. In his later works, written in Japanese, Izutsu sought to provide a field (場) in which such highly idiosyncratic voices could become mutually intelligible, by means of what he termed "philosophical semantics" (哲学的意味論, tetsugaku-teki imi-ron).

In this regard, Ōno Junichi, in his recent book Izutsu Toshihiko: Philosophy in Dialogue with the World (井筒俊彦　世界と対話する哲学), highlights Izutsu’s "vertical approach", which posits a substructure of unmanifest, fluid meanings akin to a linguistic unconscious, and seeks to disclose the existential conditions subtly shaping texts and their authors from within. This approach grounds intercultural communication as a hermeneutical dialogue between semantic fields, made possible only when interlocutors possess a "flexible mind" (柔軟心, jūnanshin) that allows the other’s field to permeate and transform one’s own.

However, amidst such profound analysis of language, a discussion on the notion of nature seems nowhere to be found. But the omission is only apparent: for Izutsu, I argue, nature constitutes the pre-linguistic ground, the empirical basis of language itself, continuously dynamic and re-arranging its semantic articulation brought about by humans.

As such, this paper asks whether Izutsu’s aforementioned philosophical semantics can be extended likewise to ecological matters. First, I will apply his methodology to uncover some latent existential attitudes towards the natural world (mainly interdependence, respect, and "true reality") that predate its modern mechanistic devaluation. Second, formulate Izutsu’s epistemic–hermeneutic notion of the "flexible mind" as an ecological virtue open towards the more-than-human otherness. The final attempt would be to point to a reconception of ecological responsibility, not as a moral prescription, but as a transformation of meaning grounded in a non-anthropocentric conception of language, one for which Izutsu, from Japan, provided a compelling theoretical foundation with remarkable intercultural value.

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The role of intellectuals in social movements became significant theme in Japan since the mass conversions of the 1930s. Many converts were co-opted by nationalism, but a minority resited. this report examines how the latter group revised their view of society and redisconvered their social role.

Paper long abstract

In Europe, there have been repeated discussions about the role of intellectuals in social movements. As Marxism became the mainstream of the socialist movement, it became necessary to clarify the relationship between the proletariat as the theoretiacal revolutionary subject and the intellectual class that in reality almost monopolized the leadership position.

In Japan, issues surrounding the relationship between the socialist movement and intellectuals came to light around 1930, but this was significantly influenced by Japan's unique historical position as a latecomer in a non-Western region. In Japan at that time, Marxism was virtually the only means of grasping society as a whole logically and systematically. Therefore, whether embraced as a revolutionary theory to advance social reform or shunned as a dangerous ideology threatening the Tenno system, the formidable power of Marxism was highly valued among the social elite. Meanwhile, among the impoverished and lower classes - whom Marxism regarded as both subjects of salvation and agents of revolution - its influence remained extremely limited.

Thus, in a situation where assessments of Marxism diverged not only between left and right but also sharply across social strata, intensified repression by the authorities led to a mass conversions of socialists in the early 1930s. Many converts, like Nabeyama Sadachika and Akamatsu Katsumaro, were co-opted into the narrative of Tenno nationalism, but a few individuals resisted it. The latter did not entirely reject the socialist movements they had previously been involved in. Amidst their frustration, helplessness, and sense of defeat, they identified problems such as elitism within Fukumoto-ism and great-power chauvinism of the Soviet Union, which led the Comintern, and worked to overcome them. At that time, one of the unavoidable themes was, after all, the question of how to recognize their own class identity as intellectuals.

This report analyzes how converts who resited Tenno nationalism - such as Haniya Yutaka, Hani Goro, Shiina Rinzo - revised their social perspectives and positioned themselves within them. It then clarifies the lifestyles and forms of social participation they adopted, highlighting their significance and challenges.

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This paper aims to answer a research question whether Karatani Kōjin’s Mode of Exchange theory outlined in "The Structure of World History" remains a non-contradictory attempt to broaden Karl Marx’s notion of a communist society.

Paper long abstract

The paper aims to evaluate Karatani Kōjin’s Mode of Exchange framework outlined in "The Structure of World History" against the background of Karl Marx’s critique of political economy. By comparing key establishments of said authors, the study answers a research question whether Karatani’s theoretical input into broadening the practical level of Marx’s theory does not remain contradictory in regards to the source material such as "Capital". The reason behind such comparison is Karatani’s heavy reliance on Marxist tradition, as the theory of Modes of Exchange is not only a tool used for conceptualizing the history of social formations, but also a possible vision of a future beyond capitalism, referred to as the World Republic. Nevertheless, an overall shift from production to exchange which seems to be one of Karatani’s own contributions does not remain unambiguous. As Marx’s traditional base-superstructure metaphor seems to be referred to by Karatani as production-oriented, it becomes critical to ask what is the position of both production and exchange within capitalism as fundamentally put forward by Marx as well as Karatani. The main focus of the article is thus to expand the topic of a demarcation line between exchange and production when approached from a systemic perspective, by comparing two related yet differently conditioned notions. The paper is a follow up on two previous research projects conducted by the author, a case study of Japanese proto-capitalism from the perspective of Karatani’s theory, as well as a comparison of Karatani’s concept of World Republic with Immanuel Kant’s notion of Perpetual Peace, providing a broader historical and philosophical context into Karatani’s theory.

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This study examines Soichi Iwashita (1889–1940), the 6th director of Koyama Fukusei Hospital. I focus on his philosophy and praxis from 1930–1940 to clarify how his principles guided leprosy relief. Future research will explore how patients reclaimed their dignity through his mission.

Paper long abstract

This presentation examines the intellectual foundations of Soichi Iwashita (1889–1940), a leading figure in Japanese Catholicism and the sixth director of Koyama Fukusei Hospital. Known as a "great authority" of the Church, Iwashita dedicated the final decade of his life (1930–1940) to the care of leprosy patients. This study focuses on his tenure as director, exploring how his personal philosophy translated into concrete action within the practical setting of the hospital.

The analysis first investigates Iwashita’s perception of leprosy and its sufferers within the "spirit of the age" (Zeitgeist) of the 1930s. During this period of intensified social segregation, this study clarifies the core principles that guided Iwashita’s mission. It then examines how he implemented these ideas through his direct involvement in hospital management and patient care, seeking to understand the unique characteristics of his praxis.

Furthermore, this research provides a foundation for future inquiry into the perspectives of the patients themselves. It raises the question of how those under Iwashita’s care perceived his mission and through what process they began to reclaim their human dignity. In conclusion, this presentation re-evaluates Iwashita’s legacy not only as a religious thinker but as an individual whose intellectual convictions and practical actions offered a significant counter-perspective to the social realities of his time. By highlighting the potential for spiritual and social restoration, this study offers vital insights into the history of leprosy relief in modern Japan.