Paper short abstract:

In Taisei-kyō, Shōtoku-taishi is presented as a wise statesman, who combined the three creeds of Shinto, Buddhism, and Confucianism. Within the intellectual debate of the Edo Period, this implied an opposition to Confucian scholars, who strongly criticized him for his role in the spread of Buddhism.

Paper long abstract:

The dominant assumption in research on the intellectual history of early modern Japan used to be that "in the Middle Ages Buddhism flourished, but in the Early Modern Period the centre of the intellectual world shifted to Confucianism." Thanks to advances in recent scholarship we are discovering that the facts are not that simple, and that also in early modern times religious thought was of considerable importance. Who, then, were the important personalities in the world of religious thought who opposed Confucian scholars like Hayashi Razan 林羅山 (1583-1657) or Ogyū Sorai荻生徂徠 (1666-1728)? In this paper, I want to explore the possibility that their opponent was Crown Prince Shōtoku, or rather, Taisei-kyō, which after its "discovery" at the beginning of the early modern age was promoted as the secret transmission of Shōtoku himself.

As is well known, Shōtoku was an important figure also in the religious thought of the Middle Ages, but in the early modern period he became the target of the virulent criticism that Confucian scholars directed against Buddhism. That at the same time Shōtoku became the object of the people's beliefs is an aspect that has drawn considerably less attention.

The main argument of my paper is that within the society of early modern Japan there existed tenacious supporters of Shōtoku, and of Buddhism as well. In different words, while the medieval Shōtoku was a religious personality, in Taisei-kyō his character has changed and he is revered as an outstanding sovereign. This is an example that shows the importance and the nature of the role Buddhism fulfilled in the intellectual world of early modern Japan. It is my aim, through studying the image of Shōtoku-taishi in Taisei-kyō and related works, is to clarify the characteristic qualities in which early modern thought differs from medieval thought.

Paper short abstract:

During the remainder of the Edo Period, Taisei-kyō exerted considerable influence on popular, didactic literature of a religious nature. From this perspective, we will analyse such texts as Moto-tsu-gusa (絵入本津草; 1728), Shinkoku masuhogusa (神国増穂草; 1756), and Shōtoku-taishi den zue (聖徳太子伝図会; 1804).

Paper long abstract:

The reception of Sendai kuji hongi taisei-kyō in didactic literature of the eighteenth and nineteenth century.

Sendai kuji hongi taisei-kyō was partly printed in 1679, but in 1682 it was declared to be apocryphal and the blocks were ordered to be destroyed. Shortly thereafter, however, books about Shinto and didactic literary works began to be published that apparently based themselves on Taisei-kyō. Among these we find such illustrated works, written in a simple style, like E-iri mototsugusa 絵入本津草 (pr. 1728) and Shinkoku masuhogusa 神国増穂草 (pr. 1756). They touch on all kinds of things, ranging from the spirit, history, and worldview of Shinto to the legendary origins of objects and institutions, and even to the study of waka. They also treat the stratified nature of society, with the emperor at the top, and the correct family system. An illustrated novel, Shōtoku-taishi den zue 聖徳太子伝図会 (pr. 1804), which belongs to the genre of yomihon, adopts statements and legends from Taisei-kyō, and uses these to describe Crown Prince Shōtoku's extraordinary achievements in aiding the spread of Buddhism in the divine country of Japan and in instituting the unchanging laws of the state. On this basis, the book maintains the logic of Japan's superiority and of the enduring character of the imperial line.

Attention should be paid to the fact that books such as these were all produced by Buddhist believers. In my presentation, I will consider how Taisei-kyō's ideology of the divine country, which is based on the unity of Shinto, Buddhism, and Confucianism, was received amongst intellectuals of Buddhist convictions. Furthermore, I will reflect on the way in which, from the eighteenth to the nineteenth century, this ideology widely infiltrated into the population through the medium of this didactic literature, and what kind of implications this had.

Paper short abstract:

Taisei-kyō advocates three traditions of Shinto: Sōgen, Saigen and Reisō. The one that is peculiar to Japan alone, is Saigen shinto. It symbolizes the legitimacy of the imperial reign and the Three Regalia. These two characteristics attracted were discussed by intellectuals of the Edo period.

Paper long abstract:

Taisei-kyō is usually depicted as a text that advocates the notion of 'The Three Teachings (i.e. Shinto, Buddhism and Confucianism) being One' (sankyō itchi 三教一致), but it is 'The Way of the Gods' that arguably is alloted the position of Primus inter pares. The Way of the Gods in Taisei-kyō, distinguishes three traditions: Sōgen (Yoshida), Saigen (Inbe) and Reisō (Aji). Saigen shinto is defined as the Way of the Gods that is peculiar to Japan: the proceedings of the Sun Goddess Amaterasu and of Izanagi and Izanami, the legitimacy of the human imperial reign and the Three Regalia as symbols of it, and, finally, the relationship between ruler and object: these are all characteristics of Saigen shinto and Taisei-kyō elaborates on them in great detail.

Taisei-kyō pretends to be a text that was compiled by Shōtoku Taishi (574-622), and therefore its contents could not directly refer to historical events that happened after the reign of Empress Suiko (554-628). Being an apocryphal text that probably was created in the first half of the seventeenth century, however, its compilers employed various techniques to indirectly comment on Japan's [recent] past and contemporary situation. Taisei-kyō never became the corner stone text of an official school, but its influence has been vast and profound, stretching from the eighteenth century well into the Meiji period.

In my paper, I will first present a digest of how Taisei-kyō presents the characteristics and significance of Saigen shinto. Then, I will discuss some examples of the influence of Saigen shinto in the eighteenth century and thereafter. One specific example will be the case of how Saigen shinto was positioned in Mizen hongi, fascicle 69 of Taisei-kyō, which contains the Crown Prince's predictions for the future in the period 622 to 1621.

Paper short abstract:

Neo-Confucianism was the opponent the compilers of Taisei-kyō wanted to emulate and defeat. As the text pretended to date back to the early 7th century, however, Neo-Confucianism could not openly be addressed. Several rhetorical strategies were devised to get around the problem.

Paper long abstract:

The Taisei-kyō contains many overt and covert references both to Confucianism and to Neo-Confucianism. This is as was to be expected: next to Buddhism, Neo-Confucianism was the major force in the intellectual world of Japan at the time when Taisei-kyō was created. However, as Taisei-kyō supposedly was a product of the early seventh century, overt references to Neo-Confucianism were not allowed. The only place where they could be accommodated was in the final one hundred years of Shōtoku's predictions for the future (Mizen hongi; fasc. 69).

Mostly, the compilers worked their way around the problem by including their criticisms in records that pretended to be about something else. One example is the discussion between Crown Prince Uji and the Korean scholar Wani 王仁, who is on record as the first one to have brought Confucian texts to Japan, during the reign of Emperor Ōjin (fasc. 44). The discussion is set in the late third, early fourth century, but as an analysis of the contents will show, it actually addressed contemporary Confucianism. Other references we find, e.g., in the "Constitution for Confucians" (Jusha kenpō, fasc. 70) or in the story how Shōtoku summoned the Duke of Zhou and Confucius to his Hall of Dreams and told them that he wanted them to be enshrined as protective deities of Confucianism in Japan (fasc. 38).

In these criticisms, a clear distinction is made between old Confucianism and Neo-Confucianism. The first is acceptable, even useful, but the second is wrong. The main complaints about Neo-Confucianism are its Sino-centrism, its predilection for animal sacrifices, and its misapprehensions about the nature of the gods. In this context, it is interesting to note that one of the unacknowledged borrowings from Neo-Confucianism is the theory of the three bodies of the gods, which is clearly based on Neo-Confucian metaphysics.

In my paper, I will describe these interrelations and try to locate them in the larger framework of contemporary intellectual discussions.