Paper short abstract:

This paper explores a neglected theme, excrement in medieval Japanese Buddhist texts. Canonical texts, illustrated scrolls and setsuwa tales all illustrate how bodily excretions were not merely material phenomena, but carried the weight of diverse symbolic significations within Buddhist discourse.

Paper long abstract:

It is only in the modern age that we have come to be so alienated from our bodily functions that we have consigned to invisibility one of the most fundamental of bodily processes - shit. In the medieval and early modern world, defecating was not a private matter for it often took place outdoors and in the company of others; the malodours of excreta were familiar and all pervasive; shit was a living presence, an active agent that played a central role in the cycle of decay and regeneration. A vast distance separates us from our forebears with regard to our relationship to fecal matter. This is reflected in academic writing where the subject of shit, like sex and the body in an earlier period, has for the most part been neglected, and seen as too childish, frivolous or disgusting to merit serious scholarly engagement. This paper seeks to overcome this implicit taboo and to take seriously the presence of excremental themes in medieval Japanese Buddhist texts by exploring their diverse significations in these narratives.

It argues that shit carries heterogenous meanings: in texts such as Genshin's Ōjōyōshū, shit is a powerful site for the production of aversion and disgust and becomes one of the dominant metaphors for the impurity of the body. In the Illustrated Scrolls of Hungry Ghosts (Gaki zōshi), it represents suffering and serves as a reminder of the karmic consequences of evil deeds; the gaki's suffering also performs a positive role in that it arouses the compassion of the Buddha and of humans who offer prayers and rituals on their behalf. Compassionate deeds directed towards those whose suffering is embodied in their association with shit, in turn becomes the ground for the salvation of gaki, animals and humans alike. As the many stories about eccentric monks suggest, shitting in inappropriate situations can, on occasion, be mobilised in Buddhist tales to graphically demonstrate the value of non-attachment, achieved through a disregard for worldly concerns and conventions. Far from being simply material phenomena, bodily excretions were part of the symbolic order, and in Buddhist discourse, endowed with significance.

Paper short abstract:

The presentation re-evaluates the role of Sanron Buddhism in Japan's sociopolitical, economic and religious history during the sixth through eight century and offers new perspectives on the significance of the interregional relationships with the Three Korean Kingdoms.

Paper long abstract:

The transmission of Buddhism to Japan was one of the two most critical influences in the history of Japan, rivaled only by the nineteenth-century encounter with Western culture (Cp. Buswell 2011: 204), and its rise is closely linked to interregional relations with the mainland. Prior to the transmission from China, the Korean kingdoms were vital to the introduction of Buddhist teachings to Japan. Despite the prominence of the Sanronshū at that time, most introductory works on Japanese history limit their description to its "official recognition" as one of the six schools of Nara Buddhism. However, the fate of Sanron is a crucial part of the development of Buddhism during its initial stage in Japan.

In sociopolitical respect, the number of Sanron scholars migrating from the mainland to Japan, and of Japanese monks traveling to China and back to promote Sanron studies gives a vivid account of the interregional significance of Sanron. In terms of Japanese politics, for example, the personal adviser of prince Shōtoku was a Sanron monk named Hyeja (?-623) from Koguryō, and an imperial allocation of land to seven major temples in the eight century, based on status and rank, lists the homebase of Sanron studies, Gangōji, second only to the Tōdaiji temple. Gangōji and other prominent temples closely linked to Sanron studies, such as Saidaiji, Daianji or Hōryūji, were frequently included in the lists of Great Temples in Nara (first Four, then Five, finally Seven Great Temples). Imperial regulations on the allowance of yearly ordinations assigned to Buddhist schools also indicate the influential status of Sanron alongside schools like Hossō or Tendai.

Regarding the decline of personal transmissions and the silent disappearance of institutional Sanron starting in the Heian period (794-1185), the question of its role and development during the sixth to eight century urgently needs a re-evaluation, especially given its long-lasting presence at the Tōnan-in institute or the vivid commentarial practice of Sanron re-surfacing in medieval times. Therefore, the presentation offers new perspectives on the relationship with the Three Kingdoms and the role of Sanron in Japan's sociopolitical, economic and religious history at that time.

Paper short abstract:

This presentation highlights the practical aspects of Dōgen's famous idea of uji ("being time"). Discussion of the time regimes he established in his monasteries reveals how he worked to connect the specific aspects of each moment to his spiritual agenda, and sheds new light on his concept of time.

Paper long abstract:

In the modern reception of Dōgen (1200-1253), his ideas on time as evident in the Uji fascicle of the Kana Shōbō genzō have commanded a special place. The fascicle's title, a composite of the characters for "being/having" and "time", suggested the association with Heidegger's Being and time, and thus with contemporary philosophy. The discussion has as a consequence focused on conceptual aspects, such as Dōgen's understanding of the present moment (nikon) and its relation to the past and the future, or on the relation of his concept of uji to clock-time. Based on textual evidence in his writings on monastic rules, his formal sermons as well as administrative documents, the proposed presentation seeks to shed new light on the subject by exploring how Dōgen practically conceived of time in his administration of the monasteries he founded and supervised. Special attention will be given to the daily and annual schedules that he installed, and to the social division of labor he established with regard to planning, measuring, and announcing time, as well as the discretionary powers associated with that division. The findings will be calibrated by comparison with regulations in other monasteries of the time.

It will be demonstrated how Dōgen employed temporal distinctions, both quantitative and qualitative, to realize his spiritual vision of a life totally in accord with the "way of the Buddhas and Patriarchs", and what this meant on the cognitive and practical levels for the members of his monastic communities. This includes a brief look at the way Dōgen addressed environmental conditions, such as specifics of seasonal climate and weather, and connected them to his religious agenda. In conclusion, it will be argued that Dōgen's comments and rules on temporal aspects of monastic life may be understood as translations of his concept of uji to the realm of action, which in turn can help us to better understand the terms of his thinking on time that have so far stood at the center of the debate.