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This research argues that 'servant quarters' in urban India are not neutral spaces but deliberate architectural instruments of social division. Analysing case studies, it shows how design features (materials, separate entries) actively enforce segregation, dependency, & inequality.

Paper long abstract

In contemporary urban India, the culture of servitude, a complex interplay of class, caste, and economic disparity, is directly manifested in the built environment. While social science has explored servitude's social dynamics, it often overlooks architecture's agency. Similarly, architectural discourse glosses over the ubiquitous, yet unexamined, typology of the ‘servant quarter’. This proposal addresses this gap, arguing the servant quarter is not ancillary space but a deliberately configured architectural instrument that actively produces and reinforces social relations of subordination, and segregation.

Drawing on a comparative spatial analysis of case studies from Bangalore, this research questions how architectural design becomes a method of social division. The methodology contrasts the main dwelling with its attached servant's room across parameters like access, area, ventilation, and materials. This reveals a clear pattern of exclusion, correlated with building regulations and socio-historical literature to trace the typology’s lineage from colonial bungalows to its contemporary form in the gated enclaves of high-rise apartments, revealing a consistent logic of spatial ‘othering’.

The analysis demonstrates that servant quarter design, characterised by separate entries, diminished scale, and relegation to service zones, is an intentional manifestation of social segregation. These spaces physically enact marginalisation, eroding the dignity of inhabitation. The physical proximity enables a culture of constant availability, blurring work-life boundaries, undermining the dignity of labour, and exacerbating exploitation.

By focusing on this non-dominant form of inhabitation, defined by extreme proximity yet profound separation, this research exposes how architecture, far from being a neutral container, perpetuates the very inequalities it houses.

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Caste structures the labor that sustains agribusiness in rural India. Through ethnographic research in Bihar, this paper shows how marketing agents act as infrastructural intermediaries whose caste-based legitimacy enables corporate expansion and reproduces unequal informal labor.

Paper long abstract

This paper examines caste as a form of social infrastructure that shapes how agribusiness penetrates rural India and restructures informal labor. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork (2024–25) in Nawada district, Bihar, the study follows agrichemical marketing agents employed by multinational corporations as they move across villages conducting demonstrations, advising farmers, and circulating products. Far from being neutral intermediaries, these agents rely on caste-coded legitimacy, kinship familiarity, bodily comportment, and idioms of trust to enroll farmers in corporate supply chains. Their labor — material, affective, and relational — reveals how development infrastructures are sustained not only by physical systems but by embodied social hierarchies.

The concept of caste-graded informality is proposed to describe how informal agribusiness work is stratified along caste and class lines. Upper and dominant caste youth enter marketing roles through informal referral networks and enjoy greater acceptance in villages, while lower-caste youth remain structurally excluded from these opportunities despite sharing similar aspirations. This stratification shapes exposure to risk, debt, and precarity, revealing that informality is not flat but segmented.

By framing caste as infrastructure, the paper speaks to global debates on how materiality, labor, and power shape development, offering comparative insights for scholars of agrarian capitalism, informality, and labor intermediation in the Global South and beyond. It argues that any account of rural development — or the infrastructures that sustain it — must treat caste not as cultural residue but as a structural condition enabling and constraining capitalist expansion.

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The paper draws on our collaborative fieldwork in Nepal to show that infrastructural disruption and delay following a major disaster are rooted in a democratic deficit at the local level, raising questions about the potential of infrastructure to support the well-being of disaster-prone communities.

Paper long abstract

Vital infrastructures, including road networks, water and sanitation systems, and health facilities, are increasingly vulnerable to disruption from climate-fuelled disasters, posing significant threats to development gains and exposing marginalised communities to social hardship. Despite global calls for climate- or disaster-resilient infrastructure, much research on infrastructural disruption emphasises the physical and technocratic aspects of building and maintaining large-scale or mega infrastructures, often overlooking how affected communities understand and navigate the political dynamics surrounding local or small-scale infrastructural disruptions, as well as their struggles to influence renewal and recovery processes. Drawing on interviews and collaborative fieldwork in flood-affected communities in Kavre District, Nepal—a peri-urban community undergoing rapid changes and at the epicentre of the 2024 floods—this study links infrastructure disruptions and subsequent delays to democratic deficits at the local level. We find that local politics around infrastructural recovery tend to focus on reproducing governing mechanisms that appear participatory and localised, yet raise questions about the possibility of producing an alternative vision of infrastructures capable of withstanding the threats of recurring disasters and alleviating community fears. The growing centralisation of authority over infrastructural decision-making has meant that infrastructural recovery following a disaster is limited to the mere restoration of basic services, leaving little room for the emergence of bottom-up politics of claim-making capable of linking infrastructural renewal to substantive human well-being. The paper calls for closer scholarly and policy attention to the link between infrastructural politics and human well-being, especially as climate-induced disasters continue to disproportionately affect disadvantaged communities.

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This paper examines how infrastructure involving Chinese state capital is built, maintained, and lived in Kenya. Drawing on ethnography, it shows how concrete, laboring bodies, and disciplinary practices materialize development and reproduce gendered and racialized inequalities in everyday life.

Paper long abstract

Based on anthropological fieldwork conducted in Kenya, this paper examines how infrastructure involving Chinese state capital is built, maintained, and “lived” in everyday practice against the backdrop of declining aid regimes and the weakening of multilateralism. Starting from the materiality of infrastructure and the corporeality of labor, the paper analyzes how development is concretized through concrete, machines, working hours, and disciplinary regimes.

In the operation of infrastructure projects, Chinese companies often invoke narratives of “cultural difference,” “hardship,” and “efficiency” to explain and legitimize high-intensity labor, gendered divisions of work, and racialized forms of discipline. Through an ethnographic analysis of work ethics, efficiency-oriented rationalities, and culturalized explanations, the paper shows how these narratives, in specific labor settings, transform structural inequalities into seemingly natural or cultural differences.

Drawing on the experiences of Kenyan workers, interpreters, and grassroots managers, the paper demonstrates that infrastructure does not exist merely as a symbol of connection and development. Rather, it actively shapes imaginaries of future development, China, and colonial histories, while being sustained through continuous bodily labor, emotional exhaustion, and social negotiation. The paper argues that attending to the materiality of infrastructure and the labor practices on which it depends allows for a deeper understanding of how development is endured, contested, and differentially experienced along the lines of gender, class, and race in everyday life.

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This paper explores how a protest at the world's largest coal exporting port enabled the contradicting and partial repurposing of infrastructure to contest development trajectories. The paper foregrounds the scalar challenges of contesting development through global energy infrastructure.

Paper long abstract

Intertwined with the plurality of experiences associated with material infrastructures are the multiple meanings infrastructure signifies. From planned spectacles of modernity to sites of abandoned promises of development, it is well known that similar to the experience of infrastructure, the meanings associated with infrastructures are multiple, contingent, contradicting and partial (Appel et al., 2018). Drawing from ethnographic fieldwork conducted at a Rising Tide’s “protestival” at the port of Newcastle this paper explores how infrastructure is utilised as a boundary object by which the meanings of infrastructure are geographically rescaled as political projects are glocalised (Swyngdouw, 2004). Altough the protest is directed towards contesting the future of the port’s operations, and the wider Australian coal assemblage which it forms part of, the interviews I conducted with participants reflected only a partial interest in contesting the port or the development of a post-coal port. Rather, the contestations are justified through contingent, multi-scale political agendas, ranging from stopping techno-capitalism to contesting mining operations in national parks. Despite these disparate agendas and perceptions, the blocking of the port facilitates the formation of new connections as different groups gathered on, or next to, the port over the five days of the “protestival”. As such the port becomes more than a critical infrastructure of coal exports (and a site of development contestation), it facilitates the creation of an affective infrastructure. This affective infrastructure is marked by social discontent, hope and uncertainty and has little to do with the material and discursive development promised at the port.

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This paper compares a state-led housing project in Maldives and an informal settlement in Delhi to examine how land scarcity is differently managed and experienced. How is infrastructure lived through bodies? How is housing security sustained? How is development materialised (or not) in housing?

Paper long abstract

Drawing on simultaneous ethnographic fieldwork in Hulhumalé Phase II, an artificial island and state-led social housing project in the Maldives, and Sangam Vihar, Delhi’s largest informal settlement, this paper compares two infrastructural formations shaped by migration and uneven urban governance to examine how housing and settlement infrastructures articulate land scarcity.

The paper advances three interrelated arguments. First, it shows how infrastructural materiality becomes embodied through illness, bodily strain, and both lived and perceived forms of contagion. Across both sites, poor-quality construction, overcrowding, and environmental exposure generate stigmatising and patterned forms of disease, revealing how housing and settlement infrastructures generate health risks and their social inscriptions as part of everyday life. Second, material provision fails to compensate for the erosion or absence of immaterial infrastructural dimensions, including sociality, community, status, and safety, revealing the limits of development paradigms that privilege physical form over social life. Third, the paper shows that housing security is not determined by formal status alone. In Hulhumalé, state-led housing provision produces regulated but unstable forms of residence, while in Sangam Vihar, contractor intermediation, payments, and everyday negotiations with authorities sustain relatively stable yet politically vulnerable living arrangements.

Across both sites, residents organise everyday life around imaginaries of movement, returning to villages and local islands, or relocating elsewhere, even as the material endurance of these infrastructures sustains insecurity over time. Overall, this paper positions housing infrastructure as a technology of governance rather than engine of development: it stabilises populations in space while reproducing economic vulnerability and socio-political marginality.

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The article examines the political economy of groundwater-led agrarian transformation in dryland India through concepts of infrastructures, aspirations and groundwater governance.

Paper long abstract

This article explores the political economy of groundwater-led agrarian transformation in dryland India through the expansion of groundwater irrigation and rice production since the 1990s. Within this process, I speak to aspirations by subsistence farmers and imaginaries by state governments for agricultural commercialisation via expanding and investing in irrigation infrastructures. In India, this has largely been driven by private and decentralised investments by smallholder farmers. Theoretically adding to the literature on water infrastructures, development aspirations and groundwater governance, I find how farmer aspirations of rice cultivation and associations of the crop with food security and status drove the debt-laden and capital-intensive rapid adoption of groundwater irrigation in dryland Telangana, aided by specific discourses and electricity subsidies policies post the formation of the newest state in India in 2014. I find that political discourses of historical inequalities over water in the struggle for state formation of Telangana in 2014 mobilised electricity subsidies as a key lever to re-imagine the state as a rice bowl of India through groundwater expansion, producing uneven political economy and ecological repercussions for farmers. This article finds that while rice production increased in a short period in Telangana, it came at the expense of widespread well failures and indebtedness at the farmer and village level colliding with the fragile semi-arid climate and hard rock aquifer setting in the state, deepening distress and decay from depleted water infrastructures and failed aspirations.

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Paper short abstract

In Mukuru (Nairobi), residents manage excreta via a range of embodied and constructed practices, which will require developing equitable, multifaceted sanitation initiatives that befit these heterogeneous strategies. We also explore policy and practical lessons from Mukuru's simplified sewerage.

Paper long abstract

Safely managed sanitation is rare in informal settlements, where most African city dwellers live, but past research has often overlooked the complex disposal practices utilised in these areas.

Drawing upon a case study in Nairobi’s informal settlement of Mukuru, we explore how residents use an array of behaviours, maintenance services, and fragile piped networks to manage excreta. Many households rely on low-quality pit latrines and improvised strategies (e.g., waste in open drainage), alongside eco-toilets and public toilets. Excreta are often disposed via flexible practices with seasonal and spatial-temporal variations, which may reflect and amplify intersectional inequalities (based on age, gender, disability, and levels of poverty). Mukuru residents emphasised that sanitation can only be enhanced by addressing excreta disposal alongside improved water, drainage, roads, rubbish collection, and menstrual hygiene. In turn, we argue that sanitation in Mukuru cannot be understood as a discrete network, but rather is inextricably intertwined with and co-constitutive of other infrastructures.

Finally, we discuss how a simplified sewerage project in Mukuru may foster inclusive community-level changes and a shift in state strategies, based on efforts led by residents, an NGO called Akiba Mashinani Trust, government, and other coalition partners. We identify the emerging benefits of simplified sewers—including for health, livelihoods, and equitable governance—while also recommending participatory planning measures and recognising the interlinkages between infrastructure networks.

We seek to inform inclusive, appropriate interventions that reflect the complex web of managing excreta, rather than the misleading notion of a singular ‘sanitation chain’ or a narrow focus upon conventional sewers.

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This paper examines how short-term migrants access digital welfare in Delhi and Kochi. It identifies 'techno-mediators' who help navigate systems. Kochi enables formalised access; Delhi shows reliance on informal intermediaries and payments, creating differentiated mediated citizenship.

Paper long abstract

This paper examines how informal short-term migrant workers access welfare programs within India's increasingly digital welfare infrastructures. It reveals the particular temporal and spatial connections migrants develop with destination cities, challenging assumptions that place transient migrants within a generalised 'urban poor' category. Digital welfare systems function as more than technical platforms, they are concrete spaces where inequalities and differential access emerge through daily interactions.

Drawing on post-pandemic ethnographic fieldwork in Delhi and Kochi, this research documents how migrants engage with welfare systems and the physical efforts required to secure benefits. Digital reforms have generated varied forms of intermediated access for short-term migrants. While existing research focuses on broker-mediated welfare, this study identifies 'techno-mediators'—intermediaries who help migrants navigate digital platforms when they lack political connections.

The comparative case studies show that while Kochi’s more formalised welfare infrastructures allow for state-mediated welfare access, Delhi’s fragmented landscape compels migrants to rely on informal intermediaries and payments. By disaggregating the ‘urban poor’ and foregrounding the role of digitalisation in reshaping welfare mediation, this paper contributes to the literature on claim-making and migration. It highlights how claims of streamlined, inclusive systems mask the ongoing work, persistence, and barriers defining transient migrants' realities, calling for governance approaches attuned to their particular precarity.

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Paper short abstract

Care infrastructures like the recovery shelters for homeless people in Delhi are characterized by a temporariness in the state's modernist vision. The temporariness represents the state’s governance of a ‘permanent’ spatial-temporal problem of homelessness reinforcing their invisibility.

Paper long abstract

Although care infrastructures such as the recovery shelters of the Delhi Municipal Board were instituted to provide rehabilitative support to ailing homeless people, historically shelters have occupied a contested space in the Indian state’s modernist vision of Delhi.

Preliminary findings show that this shelter has been left unrepaired for multiple months owing to an impending demolition at a geographic site associated historically with displacement and urban capitalist accumulation. I suggest that a temporariness has become permanently assigned to this shelter. Its temporariness comes from the temporary status that was assigned to the shelter structure by virtue of its physical built form of a portable cabin that was not designed to be a permanent form of occupancy. In the continuum of care, the public health system itself is fragmented and typified by infrastructural shortages. Bureaucratic violence further assigns a temporary status to the citizenship status of homeless population, impairing access to spatial and health infrastructures in the city. Moreover, the homeless population continues to be implicitly conceptualised as an ephemeral population in recent policies and is thus excluded from the modernist ‘productive’ vision of the city. I argue that this instantiates the temporariness that characterizes the state’s biopolitical vision of the homeless people in its decades-long post-colonial management of spaces occupied by the urban poor.

The temporariness represents a divestment of the homeless population’s substantive citizenship of the right to the city and healthcare, reinforcing the state’s mode of governing what has become a ‘permanent’ spatial-temporal problem of homelessness.

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Drawing on ethnographic research from sugar plantations in Tanzania and Malawi, this paper examines plantation infrastructure as a material form of development, and how the built environments of production enclaves shape everyday life, social hierarchies, and mobility within and beyond the estate.

Paper long abstract

Across Eastern and Southern Africa, large-scale plantation agriculture has catalysed the creation of rural production enclaves, where infrastructure, materiality, and development are co-constituted. Plantations have been theorised as ‘total systems’, defined by a built environment engineered to deliver the production of a commodity, but also, the social reproduction of a labour force. The construction of roads, electrification, worker housing, canals, schools, clinics, and recreational facilities, are deemed necessary to attract and maintain often thousands of workers and their families, in remote areas far from urban centres. In this way, large-scale agro-industrial estates have been imagined as rural outposts of development and modernity; mini ‘colonies’ of global production, built in the name of rural development. These planned enclaves sit in contrast to the informal settlements on an estate’s borders; defined not by corporate planning, but by the distributive politics of opportunity and precarity, on the margins of a production stronghold. This paper explores the materialities of large-scale agro-industrial estates and plantation infrastructure in the context of Africa’s sugar industry, comparing the lived experience of large-scale sugar plantations in Tanzania and Malawi. Drawing on several years of ethnographic research, the paper will explore how the materialities and infrastructure of global production are lived, experienced, and contested, and how rank-based housing allocations, racialised and gendered labour hierarchies, and the embodied rhythms of field and factory work, structure how people inhabit and move through spaces of production, both inside and outside the estate.

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This paper examines how displaced communities in northern Sudan re-established land relations after rejecting state resettlement, revealing how land, power and belonging are reworked through self-directed responses to development-induced displacement.

Paper long abstract

Large infrastructure projects continue to displace millions of people globally, yet dominant development frameworks still treat resettlement as a technical problem rather than a deeply political process. This paper examines the case of the Manāṣīr of northern Sudan, who rejected state-led resettlement following the construction of the Merowe Dam and instead re-established their lives along the reservoir’s margins.

Drawing on long-term ethnographic research, the paper explores how displaced communities actively reconstructed land relations, social authority, and livelihoods in the absence of formal recognition or institutional support. Rather than viewing displacement as a rupture followed by rehabilitation, the analysis foregrounds self-directed resettlement as an ongoing social and political process shaped by local histories, customary land relations, and unequal power structures.

Using a relational approach to property, the paper shows how land tenure in this context is not a fixed legal category but an evolving set of practices negotiated under conditions of uncertainty, dispossession, and constraint. These practices both reproduce and transform earlier forms of territorial belonging, revealing how displaced communities assert agency beyond the boundaries of state-led development.

By centring the experiences of those who refused formal resettlement, the paper challenges dominant development narratives and calls for greater attention to the material, political, and ethical dimensions of displacement and self-directed recovery.

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This paper analyses Saudi's 'The Line' megaproject to demonstrate how states use high-modernist spectacle to manufacture legitimacy. It argues that this 'strategic disconnection' between a glossy digital future and its coercive material reality actively obscures costs and justifies disposession.

Paper long abstract

The Line, a proposed 170-km linear city in Saudi, brings infrastructure into hyper-visible form, exemplifying the 21st century return to high-modernism as a symbol of progress and national ambition. This development is not merely a feat of engineering; it is a political instrument designed to consolidate state authority, attract global capital, and project an image of modernity.

While existing scholarship has examined infrastructural megaprojects as sites of financial risk (Flyvberg, 2014), displacement (Ghertner, 2015), and technocratic hubris (Scott, 1998), less attention is paid to how states actively engineer consent and construct legitimacy through these ventures. The Line’s planning and contested visions crystallise broader infrastructural politics, not merely as a collection of ‘invisible’ and discrete systems (Star, 1999) but as a contested site of governance, exclusion, and visions of the future. Futurity becomes a tool of power used to justify present-day dispossession and silence dissent. And, the pursuit of legitimacy actively obscures the material, social and human costs. Legitimacy is built on strategic disconnection, between a glossy, digitized future and the extractive, often coercive, material realities of its construction.

Its scale and aesthetic audacity demonstrate how form communicates power and possibility (Larkin, 2013) while the spectacle is weaponised to promote an inevitable future (Harvey, 2012). As a hybrid of urban planning and technopolitical vision, it mirrors Collier’s (2011) analysis of infrastructure as embodiments of economic theories — here, as a post-oil diversification strategy. The planning phase of this megaproject, where dazzle masks domination, reveals how states use infrastructure to manufacture legitimacy.

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Paper short abstract

The paper examines local transformations resulting from the introduction of large infrastructural projects, particularly among communities that depend on natural resources for their livelihood. It explores how state policies legitimise such projects and how locals negotiate with consequent changes.

Paper long abstract

The paper examines the local transformations arising from the introduction of large infrastructural projects among local communities, particularly those that depend on natural resources for their livelihoods. The study draws from ethnographic work conducted in the coastal town of Vizhinjam, in the south Indian state of Kerala, where a significant portion of the population is engaged in traditional fishing. Vizhinjam is also the site of India’s first international deep-water container transhipment port, developed as a private-public partnership project between the state (government of Kerala) and India’s largest commercial port operator, Adani Ports and Special Economic Zone Limited (APSEZ). In popular discourses, the port project is considered a major step towards national and local development. The project is also central to Kerala’s efforts to dispel the notion of being skeptical of private-led industrialization and in rebranding itself as an ‘investor-friendly’ state. However, the deep-sea fishers of Vizhinjam and the Latin Catholic Church have raised concerns about the potential consequences of port construction on local lives, livelihoods, and ecosystems.

Given this backdrop, the paper explores how policy processes legitimized the development of the seaport and the changes the port project brought about in the everyday lives and livelihoods of the local communities. I use David Harvey’s (2017) accumulation by dispossession and Michael Levien’s (2017) reconstitution of the same as the theoretical starting points. The paper contributes to this theory by introducing the concept of procedural dispossessions that explains how dispossessions are legitimised and validated through policy procedures present within democratic systems.

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This paper examines how communities negotiate day-to-day socio-spatial exclusion, relegation and differential access to urban infrastructure. It discusses the wider implications of these processes and the ongoing quest for safe civic spaces in the contemporary urban.

Paper long abstract

Amidst precipitating socio-political contestation, acute inequalities, glaring gaps in availability of key civic services, rising intolerance, volatility and violence, it becomes critical to pay heed to the myriad negotiations that shape everyday modes of inhabitation and existence for different classes and communities within expanding urbanscapes. Rooted in contemporary urban India, this paper addresses how socio-spatial exclusion of Muslim residents is constructed and sedimented, confining them usually to poorly serviced city spaces with inadequate infrastructure.

Through sustained fieldwork, the paper rests the spotlight on Bhopal, a burgeoning city in central India with a sizeable Muslim concentration. It discusses how they navigate everyday exclusion in a spatially fragmented and religiously divided urbanscape. It looks at the gradual and intentional production of the northern part of the city as a crammed and decaying zone, bogged down by a desperate lack of infrastructural facilities, and of its southern part as a better-planned zone, supposedly more amenable to ‘modern’ urban development. These contrastive spatial characterisations are further reinforced by an underlying, sinister layer of differing community affiliations, with north Bhopal identified as a Muslim block and south Bhopal as a Hindu area. Muslim residents of north Bhopal find it exceedingly hard to relocate to other, better-serviced, parts of the city and their narratives voice the biases involved in house-hunting.

This paper examines how communities negotiate day-to-day socio-spatial exclusion, relegation and differential access to urban infrastructure. It discusses the wider implications of these processes and the ongoing quest for safe civic spaces in the contemporary urban.

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Counteracting the dominant, totalizing storyline of a seemingly smooth logistical-infrastructural expansion, this paper examines the intersections of economic rationality, competing imaginaries, and material politics that converge in the making of infrastructural futures in a climate-changed world.

Paper long abstract

Against the backdrop of climate catastrophe recomposing the fragile littoral ecologies, a global push for ‘blue growth’ has been giving way to a surge in investments in mega-infrastructure projects catering to logistical developments further reshaping the coasts. These infrastructural projects are often justified on the grounds of financial forecasting for a ‘prosperous’ and ‘secure’ future. However, translations of such a dominant imaginary of the promised future-in-the-making of specific infrastructures don’t happen as smoothly and seamlessly as they might appear to, all the more so given that the logistical-infrastructural promise, far from a totalizing and coherent project, remains riddled with frictions and contestations. Focusing on some of the contested infrastructural-projects unfolding in a climate-vulnerable coastal region on the east coast of India, this paper examines the material contradictions and competing imaginaries at play in transforming the Bay of Bengal’s littoral zones into techno-infrastructural scaffolds for logistical futures. The littoral spaces of Bengal, which had mostly remained marginal both geographically and politically, have recently been garnering attention for some spectacular infrastructural-projects including a proposed deep-sea port, a flagship coastal road project, an under-construction missile-launching platform etc.; and these projects have given way to a multitude of affective responses which are mostly anticipatory yet politically consequential for the present. Counteracting the dominant, totalizing storyline of a seemingly smooth logistical expansion as put forth by the mainstream discourse, this paper renders intelligible the intersections of economic rationality, competing infrastructural-visions, and material politics that converge in the making of logistical futures in a climate-changed world.