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Paper short abstract:

The paper will bring the following discussions and discourses: 1. The elements and issuses as regards, strenghtening cooperations among humanitarian actors in Nigeria 2. Discuss the ways, avenue and challenges of strengthening cooperations between humanitarian actors in Nigeria.

Paper long abstract:

This study examines strengthening cooperation between humanitarian, development, and peace actors to enable long-term programmes for vulnerable communities in Nigeria. Since humanitarian actors are the ones with the most firsthand professional knowledge of the crisis's situation on the ground and frequently have greater access to those in need, it is crucial that they take the lead, participate in, and engage in humanitarian responses. Both the local and international actors always stand in the vacuum of responding to humanitarian crises and truck more of their organizational goals. This study used a mixed research method of key informant interviews (KII) and secondary data sources. The key informants' interview questions will be open-ended questionnaires covering various research questions from the study. The study population will comprise 100 participants from local and international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) working in Nigeria. The study hopes to understand the elements, strategies, and challenges of strengthening cooperation between humanitarian, development, and peace actors to enable long-term programmes for vulnerable communities in Nigeria. Building a strong partnership continues to be a better understanding of humanitarian engagement worldwide.

In contrast, humanitarian principles remain important in ensuring that programmes for conflict-affected societies are implemented. This study concluded and recommended that strengthening humanitarian, development, and peace actors to enable a long-term programme for vulnerable communities in Nigeria is vital, and engaging thorough rights to ensure access to quality services is considered for all. Including local communities with government assistance is needed to build more resilient actions from Nigeria's humanitarian, development, and peace actors.

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Paper short abstract:

Taking a pathways approach to change, we view FDPs/FFPs as pathways to transformative change and interrogate to learn if existing inequities are addressed in changes: - To structures of economies and power. - To systems, policies, and incentives. - That promotes alliances and actions from below.

Paper long abstract:

Feminist principles and social justice objectives for transformative change by FDPs/FFPs can be discussed in the below three indices.

Changes to structures of economies and power

The extent to which FDPs/FFPs have attended to repair histories of extractivism, commodification, and climate change or reproduce them in new forms can be argued by looking at climate financing economic models in support of climate mitigation and adaption. The contemporary architecture of international climate finance promotes debt-increasing options such as loans and green bonds for countries under non-concessional or unfavorable conditions (UNDESA 2023).

Changes to systems, policies, and incentives

There is a consensus among feminist and social justice advocates that strengthening gender equality and justice is achievable through direct public expenditures in social sectors and services (Winder and Smith, 2018). The realities are that the underlying organization of the economic, social, and political systems prioritizes growth in production and finance and neglects or omits social reproduction, the costs of caring labor pass to most vulnerable groups in society, especially low-income women (Cassirer and Addati, 2020).

Changes that promote alliances and actions from below

Women's rights movements, feminists and justice activists, scholars, and researchers all over the world rally around challenging patriarchal systems of oppression and discrimination while simultaneously emphasizing power struggles across race, class, gender, age, etc. (Inter-American Commission of Women (CIM), 2023). The lack of consideration of race and how racial hierarchies are often reinforced in the practices of FFDs like Germany simply underline enduring blind spots (Haastrup, 2023).

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Paper short abstract:

By the end of the second world war there began a clamor for independence and self-rule across the African continent. Colonial powers realizing that they have lost control had no choice but to yield to the calls for independence by the Africans.

Paper long abstract:

In August 1941, the United States President Franklin D. Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Winston Chruchill met to discuss their post-war goals. In that meeting, they agreed to the Atlantic Charter, which in part stipulated that they would, respect the right of all people to choose the form of government under which they will live. This agreement became the post WWII stepping stone toward independence in the African continent.

However, former imperial powers policies toward Africa was characterized by what many political thinkers have described as a middle road approach, which supported African independence but also expect that their holdings in Africa will remain intact. Thus, it is my view that the aforementioned linkage has informed the ideological framework of many institutions which currently exist to promote development cooperation in Africa. Two of the most notable examples are the World Bank and the IMF. These institutions promote neo-liberal ideas which are argued to have global reach and local variation (Kothari 2006). A typical illustration is the use of aid alongside the promotion of good governance agenda. After the disappointing results of the Structural Adjustment Policies (SAPs), the World Bank and IMF identified poor governance as a reason for why countries in the south were not developing (Pearce 2008). Thus they altered the terms of their aid on the provision that states in the south adopted good governance (informed by neoliberal notion of political modernity).

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Paper short abstract:

This contribution adresses the conditions in which the decolonial turn opens a window to a common and shared understanding of the terms of decolonization of present relations especially in the humanitarian sphere

Paper long abstract:

If the decolonial turn is more than a buzz word, it appears that it’s meaning is diverse, especially in a context of insufficiently explored colonial past. Our paper intends to explore what decolonization for Cameroonian, German and transnational aid interlocutors, and what barriers or possibilities do they see from related demands. We look at the challenges posed by a specific linkage between colonial and contemporary, post-colonial forms of aid/humanitarianism in a the context of a nostalgic invocation of the German colonial past by some Cameroonians on the one hand, and an insufficient reference to the structuring German colonial presence in Cameroon on the German side. How, under these conditions, can a common and shared understanding of the terms of decolonization of present relations be constructed? The paper will be exploring the conditions in which is negotiated a shared space with a past that compels.

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Pour rendre efficiente la coopération internationale pour le développement, elle doit être totalement décolonisée. Pour cela, il faut utiliser les termes appropriés pour désigner au Nord comme au Sud son instrument majeur qu'est l'Aide Publique au Développement et ensuite la privatiser.

Paper long abstract:

L’appel lancé aux nations industrialisées par le président américain Harry Truman, le 20 janvier 1949 marqua le début de l’engagement politique international à mettre les avancées technologiques et les avantages financiers et démocratiques des pays dits du Nord au service des régions sous-développées du monde, fut suivi par l’élaboration des « contemporary Theories of Development » (Preston 2002 ; Rist 2001, ) à savoir : la théorie de la Modernisation, de la Dépendance et l’approche institutionnaliste. Les acteurs bi-et multilatéraux vont ensuite formuler diverses st development policy jusqu’aux ODD.

Lesdites stratégies politiques, économiques, sociales et environnementales de développement constituent des conditionnalités pour recevoir l’Aide Publique au Développement (Tagou, 2011).

Cette Aide Publique au Développement (Public Development Assistance) porte cependant en elle seule toute la charge négative du paternalisme néocolonial et de l’exploitation injuste et éhontée dont les régions pauvres du monde, jadis colonisées, ont été et sont encore victimes. L’objectif de cet article est de démontrer que, dans un tel context contraire à l’universalité humaniste d’Ubuntu et des Lumières, l’atteinte des ODD à l’horizon 2030 (ONU) et 2063 (UA) n’est plausible que si les acteurs de la coopération internationale pour le développement acceptent une décolonisation totale de l’Aide Publique au Développement. Cette décolonisation passerait par la Déconstruction du concept d’Aide Publique au Développement en soi et sa Privatisation utilitariste au Sud comme au Nord à l’exemple des ONG confessionnelles allemandes au Cameroun (Pain pour le Monde et MISERIOR).