Paper short abstract:

While inter-governmental authorities acknowledge women’s protection including gender-based violence issues in the context of climate change-related displacement, community consultations prioritizing women-led NGO participation in policy/decision making processes is overlooked and should be revisited

Paper long abstract:

As climate change impacts intensify, mobility of populations away from high-risk areas will likely increase. Both the process (movement) and the results (for displaced and left-behind communities) of climate change-related relocations are gendered. With pre-existing gender inequalities compounding their vulnerabilities, women and girls are among the worst impacted.

While the inter-governmental UN agencies and government authorities acknowledge women’s protection including gender-based violence issues in the context of climate change-related displacement, community consultations prioritizing women-led NGO participation in policy/decision making processes is often overlooked and should be revisited. If relevant frameworks and assessments during bi-lateral international development programmes do not proactively include how communities particularly women perceive and address climate risks in their daily lives, and do not consider diverse perspectives, knowledge and ways of living of affected populations and women, they may result in problematic decisions and processes. This may then exacerbate marginalization, feelings of discrimination and inequality, as well as the erosion of cultural and social capital, leading to unintended negative consequences.

Adopting a gender lens helps to identify and respond to specific risks and needs, and highlights the essential roles women-led CSOs and NGOs can take on in leading sustainable transformations and SDGs. International funding and policy frameworks collaborating closely with the governments should address the multi-dimensional and long-term challenges by fostering engagement with community. This needs to consider intersectional and often long-standing structural issues (e.g. gender inequality, uneven access to resources and services) faced by the affected populations, as well as the existing power dynamics and exclusions.

Paper short abstract:

Climate-induced migration is common in contexts of high vulnerability. In agricultural communities, land ownership arrangements mediate climate adaptation and resilience strategies with implications for women’s productive capacities, gender (in)equality and migration intentions.

Paper long abstract:

In this study, we explore the links between climate change, women’s rights to land and their migration intentions in Ghana by asking the following questions: How does climate change affect women’s contributions to household (economic) livelihood strategies? In what ways, and to what extent, does (unequal) access to land in climate-stressed communities affect women’s adaptation and resilience to climate change? What does the above mean for women’s migration decisions? We address these questions through a case study of two communities in the Savannah and North-East Regions of Ghana where farming, the main stay of local economy, is dominated by women. The study finds that insecure land tenure arrangements, rooted in customary practices, including inheritance systems, exacerbate the adverse impact of climate change on women’s (re)productive capabilities, potentially worsening existing gender inequalities, whilst also limiting women’s resilience and adaptation options. This results in seasonal, temporary and permanent migration as a coping strategy. The findings beg the question whether recent state interventions in response to climate shocks, including the Government of Ghana’s flagship One Village One Dam programme are achieving their objectives. We argue that climate interventions must depart from one-size-fits all approaches and be sensitive to the (gendered) land tenure arrangements in specific contexts especially in agricultural communities. Our findings highlight the primacy of localizing the sustainable development goals on, among others, gender, inequality and the environment in order to achieve the aspiration of leaving no one behind.

Paper short abstract:

This paper seeks to explore if the trust in the government effects life evaluation of the citizens in the context of India. We have use an IV and Lewbel estimator to address issues on endogeneity. The results confirm the cumulative loss of trust in the govt and decline in satisfaction of citizens.

Paper long abstract:

Disillusionment with income as a measure of well-being has led to alternative measures that are

broader and focus on outcomes. Amartya Sen’s (1985) pioneering contribution focuses on capabilities

to live a healthy and rewarding life. Deaton (2008), among others, espouses a measure of well-being

called life evaluation/satisfaction that aggregates components of well-being, such as economic status,

health, family circumstances and even human and political rights. We have used Deaton’s (2008)

measure of life evaluation. As there is no study of trust in the present Indian government/National

Democratic Alliance (NDA), led by the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) and life evaluation, our present

study aims to fill this gap, based on the Gallup World Poll Survey for India, covering the period 2018

2021. As trust in the NDA is endogenous, 2SLS and Lewbel IV estimators have been used. As the

2SLS estimates satisfy the relevance and exclusion conditions for the instruments, we rely on these

estimates. Our analysis confirms robustly that trust in the NDA determines life evaluation, controlling

for other covariates. As trust in the NDA decreased over the period analysed, so did life evaluation. If

the oppressive and brutal policies of the NDA in pursuit of a Hindu nation are not checked,

cumulative loss of trust in the NDA and life evaluation may jeopardise democracy.

Paper short abstract:

Using data from 12 African cities, we explain how informal and hybrid actors deliver an array of basic services like WASH or energy. We analyse the associated variations in service quality, affordability, and legitimacy, alongside how state actors differ in their stances towards informal providers.

Paper long abstract:

Across many African cities, informal services routinely complement or substitute for shortfalls in state provision, especially in low-income neighbourhoods. While informal services may be hazardous, expensive, or illegitimate, they provide “last mile” connections to marginalized residents. In some contexts, there is a level of formal integration between formal and informal service providers. However, we lack a comparative understanding of such formal/informal relations and the associated variations in provision across cities or service sectors.

This paper will utilise findings from the African Cities Research Consortium, an action-research collaboration that has collected qualitative and numerical data. We develop a typology to explain how informal service providers relate to formal actors, using a comparative analysis of services including WASH, transport, energy, and rubbish collection. We discuss the complex array of relations between informal/formal actors, with consideration of the implications for quality, affordability, and responsiveness to low-income residents.

State actors may adopt hostile and violent stances towards informal providers, especially if the latter undercut the formal networks. In other instances, formal agencies may tolerate, partially include, and/or explicitly incorporate informal providers (e.g., waste-pickers who are included in official waste management services). We explore the potential of hybridity to support the equitable integration of informal systems (taking into account the interest of residents and informal providers) and consider how to manage hybridity, including how to foster more reliable, affordable services. We discuss how to conceptualise the relations between formal/informal providers and analyse the political drivers that explain varying official stances towards informal providers.

Paper short abstract:

This contribution scrutinises how the current urban development process marginalises the aspirations of Deaf youth—and how participatory visual arts are used by Deaf youths to challenge the status quo and reclaim their overlooked rights to more inclusive cities.

Paper long abstract:

This paper offers a deeper insight into how persons with disabilities, particularly Deaf and Hard-of-Hearing (HoH) youths in Indonesia, still face barriers in influencing the decision-making processes of their cities vis-à-vis unequal, hegemonic power structures that shape the city. This marginalisation is manifested in limited awareness of accessibility to ensure their political participation, such as the use of sign languages and acknowledgement of their culture and needs. It illustrates how, in the bigger picture, the current ‘participatory’ practices still marginalise persons with disabilities, resulting in infrastructure and service development that overlooks their specific experience. Furthermore, it argues that using visual arts as tools of participatory process would significantly enhance the quality of participation of youth with hearing impairments and build their collective agency and capacity in advocating for their political rights. Looking at a participatory mural project, “KREASI Repaint the City” in Surakarta, Indonesia, as a case study, it restates the role of civil society organisations in contesting and bridging the current gap of participation in urban development through arts and meaningful community engagement to shift the status quo and further improve towards more democratic city-making process.

Paper short abstract:

For people faced with flooding, their place attachment thus their land for farming, social networks and identity over powers the immediate needs of the policy makers to facilitate resettlement. Therefore, RBA is key in the resettlement process for inclusive resettlement program.

Paper long abstract:

As the global continues to experience severe disasters like flooding, different countries are implementing resettlement as one of the climate change adaptation measures. Malawi, a land locked country in sub–Saharan Africa, for several decades, has been planning to resettle people living along the Shire River Valley, however, this has been characterised as non-inclusive hence ignites tension. For the communities, the need to maintain their forefathers land for farming, their social networks and place identity were key. On the other hand, the policy makers’ goal was to implement climate adaptation policies that aimed at resettling people to high and new places hence distracting their place attachment. Kita, (2017) attributed to the trend of people moving back to the flood plains after being resettled as a result of uncoordinated resettlement program and minimal community participation.

This study found that resettlement programs downplay community voice especially on how resettlement should be implemented, when and where to resettle results in mistrust. For instance, this study revealed that the resettlers have been suspecting that the government is capitalising on their vulnerability to flooding as a means of acquiring their land once they agree to resettle. Evidence has shown that, because resettlement relies on the resettlers’ decision, inadequate information and awareness produces undesirable results (Patt and Schröter, 2008). It can thus be concluded that resettlement processes require a holistic approach and strong RBA unlike just concentrating on moving the people, but also raising awareness of the programme’s goals and promoting community rights and voice.

Paper short abstract:

People with disabilities in Liberia have historically been victims of structural violence perpetuated by the government and other actors. This paper discusses the ways in which people with disabilities’ trust in the state was impacted by the responses to the Ebola and COVID-19 outbreaks.

Paper long abstract:

This paper explores Liberia’s commitments to reducing poverty and increasing prosperity through its adherence to international treaties and development goals; and the extent to which Liberian people with disabilities trust the state to deliver on these commitments. People with disabilities in Liberia have historically been ignored by the government and have had little trust in its institutions. This paper questions how rights the ostensibly enshrined in the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities have been implemented, and what impact they are having on the lives of people with disabilities, as well as the extent to which the domestication of the Sustainable Development Goals has led to positive change. Drawing on the results of two research projects implemented in Liberia between 2015 and 2023, this paper discusses how people with disabilities’ trust in government was affected by the Ebola and COVID-19 outbreak responses, paying particular attention to issues of structural violence. Results found that structural violence and ableism towards people with disabilities is pervasive and that the Ebola and COVID-19 epidemic responses enacted violence on both citizens and the state. The research also found that lack of trust in state institutions, loss of faith in democratic processes, and significant fear for personal security compound the pervasive poverty found among people with disabilities. The very institutions that should be accountable to them as citizens are those they are least likely to trust - compounding political disengagement and disenfranchisement.