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- Convenor:
-
Mirco Göpfert
(Goethe University Frankfurt)
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- Format:
- Workshop
- Transfers:
- Open for transfers
Short Abstract:
Humour has become a key (and perhaps common) practice of engaging with the political present. Does humour “common” critique and imagination? How do humourists address dissonances, reveal absurdities, and anticipate tipping points? We invite papers and creative experiments on these questions.
Long Abstract:
Political satire, comedic journalism and (meta)political memes are gaining more and more traction; the slippages between parody and sincerity, play and earnestness, real and fake, ridicule and seriousness have proliferated at a dizzying rate. In the face of global crises and contested political spaces, humour emerges as a key practice for engaging with and making sense of the political present. In weird ways, humour appears to “common” political critique and imagination, offering ways to address and process uncomfortable knowledge that challenges dominant narratives and reveals the ambivalences, dissonances and absurdities of our time.
Aligning with the conference’s focus on commoning and uncommoning, we welcome explorations of how humour contributes to the creation of political and social un/commons, offering spaces for solidarity but also exclusion. After all, humour can resist the co-option of political spaces by hegemonic forces, enabling new forms of collaboration and collective knowledge; but it can do that also on the extreme right.
This workshop invites contributions that explore humour as an epistemic tool for grasping, critiquing and imagining the political present. We are particularly interested in papers that investigate how satire, political humour, comedic journalism, stand-up and other comedic practices serve to address, disrupt or spawn political imagination, question normative frameworks, and create alternative forms of knowledge. We invite papers and creative experiments that address how humour sharpens political dissonances, reveals absurdities, and anticipates political tipping points. Contributions from diverse global contexts and disciplines are welcome.
Accepted contributions:
Session 1Contribution short abstract:
This paper argues that humour plays an important role in the work of Malawian civil servants and state-citizen interactions during times of disaster: enabling a commoning of state critique, humour helped reaffirm state-citizen relationships, despite the state’s material and moral shortcomings.
Contribution long abstract:
As one of the poorest countries in the world, the contemporary Malawi state relies on external funding to cover roughly 40% of its budget, with many state services provided by or through non-state organisations. This is exacerbated during regularly recurring times of disaster, when additional humanitarian aid is needed to support its population, but also the state itself, to execute its tasks. The Malawi Department of Disaster Management Affairs (DODMA) is charged with the overall coordination of disaster governance and humanitarian responses, but a large part of the funding and resources to do so are provided by donors and non-state actors. Moreover, the available resources are always insufficient. Grounded in 20 months of in-depth ethnographic fieldwork with DODMA civil servants at both national and district level between 2019 and 2024, I argue in this paper that humour played an important role in facilitating encounters between citizens and civil servants in rather desperate circumstances. In these interactions, humour enabled citizens to criticise the state and the situation they found themselves in, while civil servants were able to acknowledge and express the inadequacy of their work and the arbitrariness of the state’s ability to provide care, without themselves losing face or authority. In commoning state critique in this way, humour helped to reaffirm the durability of state-citizen relationships, despite the state’s material and moral shortcomings.
Contribution short abstract:
This paper explores how Tibetan and Uyghur diaspora members in Switzerland use black humour to process memories of repression. Drawing on Žižek, it examines humour as a coping mechanism, a critique of authoritarianism, and a tool to foster solidarity among the diaspora.
Contribution long abstract:
Through the lens of Slavoj Žižek’s psychoanalytic philosophy, this paper examines humour as a tool for processing memories of repression and for denouncing dominant state narratives. Žižek posits that humour operates at the intersection of the symbolic and the real, revealing the gaps in ideological structures and offering a space for sublimated critique. By addressing dissonances indirectly, humour allows individuals to confront the unbearable truths of their socio-political realities while maintaining a critical distance.
Using examples from the Tibetan and Uyghur diaspora in Switzerland, the article examines how humour serves as a coping mechanism in the face of transnational repression. In light of my research, it became clear that Tibetan and Uighur diaspora members were able to extract their experiences of surveillance, propaganda and repression with great wit. The saddest stories were laced with the most amusing details and deliberately told with a great deal of gallows humour. One research participant even said that humour in the face of state repression was not simply catharsis, but a necessity for survival. The humour of the diaspora members transforms violence into stories that resonate with resilience and collective understanding. This humour fosters transnational solidarity, turning trauma into critique while creating a shared space for reflection.
Ultimately, the paper agrees with Žižek, humour has a transformative power and argues argues that it is both a means of survival and a potent tool for political resistance.
Contribution short abstract:
Using a mixed methodology of discourse and performance analysis, this paper analyses the affordance of clown figures in contemporary politics, by exploring how the claim of political authenticity in the practice of clowning has led to ambivalent significances.
Contribution long abstract:
For the past decades, in the context of Brexit and the election of Trump in the US, the figure of the clown has become a recurrent motif in media discourses, usually intended to mock and parodise Western politicians. These accusations assimilate
renewed strategies of political communication with the practice of clowning: in far-right populism especially, these are characterised by an assumed propension to foolishness and comedy, ambivalent performances of ‘authenticity’ and discourses upon societal and political failures. This renewed affordance of the clown seems to attest of a grotesque and performative shift in the spectacle of power in Western
representative democracies, which used to be associated with more theatrical forms of ritualisation such as in political ceremonies.
This paper analyses the affordances of the clown figure in contemporary politics by exploring its ambivalent posture of authenticity. It first retraces the construction of clowning as a site of authenticity in acting theory and media discourses, by showing how its historical evolution has led to ambivalent significances. If clowning has been claimed as an authentic and ungovernable political force, inspired by the 1970’s leftist revolutionary discourses, it has also been the place of colonial practice and humor as well as an oppressive attitude of ‘jouissance’ in public spaces and conservative politics. By exploring clowning as this ambivalent practice of political
authenticity, the paper explores how performative practices and humour can reflect larger political schemes, offering both resistance and complicity in the contested commons of political life.
Contribution short abstract:
This study analyzes how digital media and humor, especially memes, shaped public opinion in the Taiwan Sunflower Movement. Introducing the Digital Mobilisation Triad model, highlights humor's role in mobilizing audiences, reshaping narratives, and advancing political goals in digital activism.
Contribution long abstract:
This paper examines the role of digital media and humor—particularly memes—in shaping public opinion within Asian social movements, focusing on the Taiwan Sunflower Movement. It critiques the Political Opportunity Structure (POS) model, which oversimplifies social movements and neglects the relational dynamics between actors. In response, this study introduces the Digital Mobilisation Triad (DMT) model, which integrates Network Theory and digital activism to explore how digital culture and humor reshape political engagement.
The DMT model consists of three components: Digital Structure, Digital Opportunities, and The Memetic Repertoire. Digital Structure outlines the online environment, while The Memetic Repertoire highlights how humor and memes are used to engage and mobilize audiences. Digital Opportunities explores how online platforms enable humor-driven political coordination and resistance.
The paper focuses on the Sunflower Movement, analyzing how humor and memes shaped cultural narratives, fostered solidarity, and influenced public discourse. By examining the creative role of humor in this movement, it highlights how memetic strategies were crucial in resonating with local cultural values and advancing political goals. A comparative analysis of the Tunisian Revolution illustrates how the memetic repertoire worked differently in a non-Asian context.
This study refines the POS model by integrating the cultural politics of humor and offers a nuanced framework for understanding digital media's impact on social movements in Asia. By focusing on humor's role, the paper contributes to broader discussions on digital activism and the power of memes in reshaping public opinion.
Contribution short abstract:
Sitcoms have generally made use of humor in order to mock established hierarchies. However, the very popular Romanian sitcom "Las Fierbinti" uses social and political satire to ridicule the lower classes and promote neoliberal values among the audience, while also increasing social polarization.
Contribution long abstract:
From classical analyses to recent scholarship, humor has been shown to function both as defense from the tyranny of official worldviews and as tolerated offence to established norms and institutions. This paper will address a different situation, where humor is used to help consolidate the neoliberal hegemonic discourse in a society in which modern history and 45 years of Socialist rule have created antibodies to neoliberalism, particularly among the lower classes. I argue the sitcom "Las Fierbinti"s use of humor is an illustration of the aggressiveness of ridicule (Billig, 2005). Humor here is an instrument in the toolkit of a cultural elite working to educate the masses into a set of ideological values that would bring the Romanian society closer to the West. Comedy works as a didactic topdown approach meant to correct collective “blemishes of character” (Hoffman, 1963) of the lower classes. This is not however a mere confirmation of the hobbesian bleak view of humor as a strategy to display a sense of superiority, or of Freud’s view of ridicule as means to make sure that members of society comply with norms. I argue that it is rather an inversion of Bakhtin’s view , a postmodern hijacking of the subverting function of humor. Higgie (2017) has already shown how politicians co-opt popular satire in order to advance their goals; in this case, it is the producers of cultural discourse that hijack popular humor, including political satire, as part of an overall effort of the elites to change mentalities.
Contribution short abstract:
This paper attempts to show, in an exploratory way, how different types of humor used by refugees, asylum seekers, naturalized migrants, and migrants with residency rights in Germany can be interpreted as an act of citizenship.
Contribution long abstract:
In recent years, racist and anti-immigration discourses have become more pervasive in Germany than ever before. Remigration (massive deportations of people with non-German ethnic backgrounds) or stricter border controls are the two main themes of the xenophobic narratives in the media, among politicians, and also amidst German society. On the one hand, a quick glance at the German media’s leftist or immigrant-friendly contributions reveals that satirical humor has already evolved into a powerful tool for ridiculing far-right goals—or rather exacerbating existing social polarizations. Humorous enactments and presentations against racist and discriminatory notions have started to circulate social media and other digital spaces, used to criticize and challenge the dominant discourses. On the other hand, refugees, asylum seekers, naturalized migrants, and migrants with residency rights are forced to live in fear of being sent back to their home countries.
It is less well known whether or not political humor is used by immigrant communities in Germany as a means of solidarity and mutual support or as a nonviolent form of resistance to the dominant power. In an exploratory manner, this paper seeks to determine how different types of humor—such as satire, skits, jokes, cartoons, memes, and witty remarks—appear in digital spaces. It is possible to think of these virtual performances as a way to act politically by asserting rights, equality, and belonging. These instances of political action serve as the impetus for this paper, which raises the question: how migrant humor can be interpreted as a form of act of citizenship?
Contribution short abstract:
The paper attempts to move beyond the logocentric understanding and definitions of humour by interrogating body as a site of production of humour. Through performances of kothis in India, it shows how humour produced through body leads to a form of commoning.
Contribution long abstract:
The genealogy of humour tells us that origin of the term humour lies in medicine. Humour represented bodily liquids which thereby; determined the mood and temperament of a person. The physical and psychological interaction in the body was believed to influence human thoughts. In order to understand this process, there was a significant focus on linguistics. As humour walked through the lanes of philosophy and social science, the contours of understanding it became the verbal and the comical. Therefore, most studies on humour are preoccupied with understanding jokes because they have an empirically approachable verbal structure with laughter as a measure of humour. A move away from this preoccupation takes us towards the question of body. The performance of kothis in India opens up avenues of locating the body of/in humour. Kothis can be loosely understood as a subset of transgender population in India. Much like other transgender populations, there is a lot of stigma attached to the kothi identity. They are invited to weddings, birthdays and other celebrations to dance, entertain, and bless people. The performance of kothis urges to go beyond the logocentric preoccupation of humour and perhaps turn back to body albeit, not in terms of medical science. I argue that the dance by kothis opens up multiple avenues to understand humour and make space for the non-verbal in humour. Through humour and thereby; through the body, kothis also produce spaces of commoning for and with cis gendered people, however fleetingly, who are often discriminatory towards kothis.
Contribution short abstract:
The case of Süleyman Soylu indicates how satire and memes critique politicians, blurring parody and sincerity. Humor becomes an epistemic tool, revealing absurdities and creating solidarity and exclusion. "TikTokification" and satirical responses to Soylu show performative power and challenge norms.
Contribution long abstract:
Süleyman Soylu served as Türkiye’s Minister of Interior from 2016 to 2023 and became infamous for his authoritarian rhetoric, aggressive policing policies, and hyper-masculine public persona. His speeches were often highly emotional, melodramatic, and filled with exaggerated nationalist rhetoric, making him a prime target for internet satire. In 2021-2022, TikTok users started re-editing Soylu’s speeches to make him seem like a TikTok influencer rather than a politician. Dramatic clips of Soylu walking in slow motion, staring at the camera, or angrily pointing fingers were edited with romantic music, filter effects, and exaggerated captions like "Adamın Dibi" (The Ultimate Man). These ironic videos blurred the line between admiration and mockery, creating an ambiguous space where some right-wing supporters embraced the aesthetic. The "TikTokification" of Soylu, where he was transformed into a figure of online satire through memes and parodies, exemplifies the blurring of lines between parody and sincerity. Is Soylu a tough, nationalist leader or a TikTok cringe character? The emergence of the AI-powered “Soylu Speech Generator” further demonstrates how metapolitical memes can be used to critique political rhetoric. Examples included statements like “We will never let this country be divided! But first, drop a like!" Comedic journalism, such as the “Güldür Güldür” sketch satirizing Soylu's nationalist persona, underscores the role of humor in deconstructing power and revealing political absurdities. The ambiguity mirrors global cases where authoritarian figures become meme-fied. Overall, the Soylu case serves as a compelling illustration of how humor functions as an epistemic tool, indicating how contemporary political humor operates in ambiguous, self-referential loops—one moment, it's satire, the next it's a sincere nationalist aesthetic. It reveals the fragility of political authenticity, the performativity of power, and the ways humor can both resist and reinforce dominant narratives.
Contribution short abstract:
This presentation examines how humour is used as a coping mechanism among several tactics by women at the face of obstetrical violence in the highly medicalized childbirth practices in contemporary Turkey based on a qualitative sociological research.
Contribution long abstract:
This presentation examines how humour can become a part of a coping mechanism in childbirth practices, considering the perspectives of mothers, doctors, midwives, and doulas. The qualitative sociological research is based on in-depth interviews with 40 mothers, with differing ages, spanning various social classes, socio-professional status and educational levels, who gave birth in private and public hospitals or at home, via vaginal delivery or c-section, over the past 30 years.
Officially formulated in 2007 in Venezuela, obstetric violence refers in general to disrespectful, non-consented care and abusive treatment of women by healthcare providers as well as a failure to adhere to evidence-based care, along with professional authoritarianism and sexist attitudes towards women.
Various mistreatments as well as medically unjustified interventions in the lack of consent by women during their childbirth are fragments of obstetrical violence. This research is an attempt to make visible women’s action (and refusal of action) and make audible their voices (and their silences) in their struggle for comfort, dignity and autonomy in the face of physical, verbal or psychological violence, in a context of absence of organized and overt resistance. Instead of portraying women as passive objects of medical surveillance, it is important to take into account the fact that women are active participants with some level of power whether they respond to reproductive technologies via assimilation, compliance or resistance.
Ignoring, oblivion and silence may become forms of coping with the authoritarian modes of governing women’s bodies. As silence may act as a means of coping with traumatic birth memories, humour becomes another way of dealing with the violence and the memory of that violence. For instance, in their narrative women who have witnessed some forms of mistreatment related with their birth would either cry or laugh telling that experience.