Send message to Author

Abstract

A group of people, who have been trying to promote and practice Tengrism since the independence of Kyrgyzstan, are marginalized due to their attempts to maintain their national and religious identity. The proponents of Tengrism have been trying to revive and revitalize Tengrism in a new, modified way, and they are divided into several groups, depending on their concepts of Tengrism. Since there is not much information about Tengrism, its rituals, practices, etc., people follow and adopt different concepts and practices. Overall, the concept and practices are vague, even among practitioners and supporters, leading to different debates and discussions. People who practice Tengrism have a small community, which is divided into several subgroups based on their shared ideas on Tengrism. They cannot come up with a general conceptualization and understanding of Tengrism. They understand Tengrism in different ways. This research will contribute to categorizing the conceptualization and practices of Tengrism in Kyrgyzstan. The main purpose of the research is to find out their understanding and perception of Tengrism and analyze why different groups understand and interpret Tengrism in different way and they cannot come up with a general perception of Tengrism. The research is focused on the community of Tengrism with ethnographic research methods to understand and analyze their perception of their worldview, with qualitative data collection. I chose ethnographic research methods to conduct an in-depth and detailed study of each subgroup of Tengrism and to provide a holistic understanding of their belief in general.

Send message to Author

Abstract

Mountain Jews are a Jewish sub-ethnic group traditionally residing in the Eastern Caucasus. Throughout the Soviet era, Mountain Jews continued to reside in the Caucasus, despite the community's urbanization and migration from villages to cities. Traditional practices associated with life-cycle rites continued to be preserved. Even religious marriages were practiced by the majority of the community, despite prohibitions imposed by the Soviet regime.

In the 1990s, the socio-political and economic situation in the Caucasus changed, with active migration of Jews from the Caucasus to major Russian cities, Israel, and the United States. However, even under these conditions, Mountain Jews maintained endogamy; marriages, even with members of other Jewish groups, were extremely rare. The structure of the traditional wedding ceremony did not collapse, but it underwent certain changes in the new environment. Matchmaking remains of great importance; it remains an essential function for the elder women of the clan or nuclear family. The report will examine the main stages of the wedding ceremony and their transformations. It will also examine traditions associated with the first wedding night, how women today talk about them, their attitudes toward these rituals, and how these rituals are being transformed or preserved in different families in the modern world. These stories are usually quite emotional. While in most cases "ancestral traditions" are not criticized, and changes are described as necessary measures, traditions associated with the first wedding night are subject to condemnation.

My paper will be based on the corpus of interviews (approximately 50) with Mountain Jewish women from Derbent, Pyatigorsk, and Moscow.

Send message to Author

Abstract

Modern Kyrgyz society, as it has for many centuries, practices a wide range of rituals that play an important role in building relationships among people within their communities. Rituals have a profound significance in people’s everyday life and are guided by specific needs, beliefs, and expectations.

The aim of this research is to explore the social significance of rituals in Kyrgyz society, both historically and in the present day, in order to understand the rationales behind the changes or preservation of specific rituals over time.

The researcher studies episodes from the epic “Manas”, which describes the rituals of turning into foster brothers of Manas and his friend from China Almambet, the matchmaking ritual of Manas Kanykey and some others, as well as the most common ritual in Kyrgyz society,” give a taste of bread. “I will be interviewing two epic storytellers, as well as 8-10 people practicing various Kyrgyz rituals.

This is an ongoing study and the researcher studies episodes from the epic "Manas", which describes the rituals of becoming foster brothers of Manas and his Chinese friend Almambet, the marriage ritual of Manas's Kanykey, and other common rituals in Kyrgyz society such as giving a taste of bread to visitors. The data has been collected through semi-structured interviews Manas tellers and eight to ten people who practice various Kyrgyz rituals.

My argument is twofold: first, some Kyrgyz rituals were dictated by a nomadic way of life, when people did not have a lot of protection and needed trustworthy people in their environment. As a result, most rituals aim to oblige another person to be more friendly, tolerant, and in difficult times to make them an ally, so they do not turn against them. Second, with changing living conditions, opportunities, and relationships, some rituals have become less relevant but continue to exist in people's memories. These rituals are important for preserving a more complete picture of the Kyrgyz culture. The meaning of other rituals has evolved, and people continue to perform them with new meanings.

The study will contribute to a better understanding of the significance of rituals in shaping relationships within the Kyrgyz community. This knowledge will provide a solid foundation for a more informed discussion on certain practices specific to the Kyrgyz people and the historical context of ritual actions influenced by the unique circumstances of Kyrgyz life.

Send message to Author

Abstract

In my research, I dive into a unique way of looking at "personal space" within traditional Kyrgyz life—a concept that moves in perfect harmony with the human life cycle. I want to challenge the standard Western ideas of privacy by exploring five specific spatial stages that every person in our culture traditionally passes through: the womb, the cradle (beshik), the bridal curtain (koshogo), the small family tent (alachyk), and finally, the grave (kör). I believe these aren't just physical spots or rooms; they act as "sociocultural incubators." From the very first days in a beshik to the highly ritualized privacy of the koshogo, each space helps a person adapt to their changing social role. By tracing this path—from the tiny, protected world of a child to the wide-open life of a yurt, and eventually back to the solitude of the earth—I try to show how nomadic life balances our need for a personal identity with our deep duty to the community.