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Abstract

Although digitalization is conceptualized as a potent tool for fostering transparency and tackling corruption, there are conflicting views about its role and efficacy in developing countries. Existing research has focused on various aspects of digitalization, but few studies have examined it as a tool for transparency and anti-corruption in authoritarian states. The present study addresses this gap: it explores the extent to which digitalization has helped advance transparency in public governance and whether enhanced transparency has resulted in reduced corruption in Central Asia’s authoritarian states. To test the hypotheses, we set up a balanced panel data biennially from 2008 to 2022 for the 15 post-Soviet countries and applied hierarchical panel regression models with a moderation effect of democracy level. The findings show that digitalization has in general positive effect on government transparency and that it can effectively lower the level of corruption even in authoritarian contexts. We also find that while digitalization serves as an important strategy in promoting transparency and curbing corruption, the present development in Central Asia remains inadequate which demands robust and sustained attempts towards digitalization and strengthening governance in the region. The paper contributes to the field in several ways. Theoretically, it adds to the limited knowledge about digitalization and its efficacy in the region from a comparative perspective. Practically, the insights of the study especially those pertaining to the limitations and pitfalls of the current approach can inform policies and actions towards bolstering transparency and tackling public sector corruption in the region.

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Abstract

The impact of strategically constructing software and application mechanisms to digitally empower Central Asia and, subsequently, to soft-empower other states through artificial intelligence (AI) language technologies or culturally specific AIs is the main goal of this research study. As Central Asia's digital landscape grows, its governments are creating and implementing e-governance solutions, AI language technologies, and culturally specific applications.

The study will answer the following questions: (1) What is the Central Asian government’s goal when using regionally specific software and applications (e-government portals, egov.uz, egov.kz, cultural heritage applications, and language and speech technologies uzbekvoice.ai) and how does it intend to achieve its goal of gaining power beyond its borders? (2) In what ways does the regional digital platform and its content producers create, nurture, or strengthen cross-border cultural relationships? (3) To what extent does youth trust in locally produced e‑government platforms differ from their trust in global internet services (e.g., Google, Meta, TikTok), and what factors explain this difference?

The study will prove or disprove the following claims: a culturally specific digital platform initiated or created within its own environment will have a greater degree of capture, attraction, perception, and acceptance within the given region; a platform that is adapted or tailored to the given region will have greater user engagement and collaboration than the global platforms; and there is a direct relationship between the youth’s digital literacy and the resilience and sustainability of the influence on the state's messaging.

This study combines several different methodologies and forms of analysis, including multi-sited digital ethnography and network and sentiment analyses of different social media platforms, as well as quantitative analyses of downloads and citations, surveys, interviews with youth, etc.

The study will attempt to find e-government platforms in Central Asia that function as soft power and empower cross-border engagement as a response to the digital literacy divide.

This research adds to the scholarship on digital agency in Central Asia, illustrating how digitally localized software creates new regional realities and providing actionable recommendations for the digital governance of soft power in the Global South.

key words: Software, Soft Power, digitalization, Central Asia, mobile apps, AI chatbots, e-gov

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Abstract

This study examines the extent to which local executive bodies in Kazakhstan comply with legal and normative requirements related to informing citizens about participatory mechanisms of local self-governance, and what explains variation in these practices across localities. It focuses on communication between local executive bodies (Akimats) and residents at the third sub-national administrative level, particularly in Cities of District Significance (CDS) and Settlements. In these types of localities, participatory mechanisms include local community gatherings and local community meetings, where Akimats are legally required to announce upcoming sessions in advance and provide follow-up information on decisions made. We evaluate these informing practices in accordance with both legal requirements and commonly recognized standards of public communication.

The scope of this study covers all CDS (48) and Settlements (69) across Kazakhstan, and is based on the originally collected dataset of announcement and follow-up posts published by Akimats in 2025, from across official government and social media platforms. Using text-to-code approach and double-blind coding, the study employs descriptive and exploratory quantitative analysis to identify patterns of legal compliance and variation in informing performance.

Our main findings reveal that (1) there is a substantial noncompliance with the legal requirements for timely notification (~44%) and informing residents of the decisions made (~45%), (2) there is geographical heterogeneity in activity of participatory mechanisms, with the highest levels observed in the North-East region, followed by Central and South-West regions, and (3) notably, there is a negative and significant association between higher per capita local budget levels and timely notification practice. By evaluating the alignment between de jure legal frameworks and de facto implementation, we observe that while formal requirements for public informing exist, their application is inconsistent across administrative units, pointing towards one of the core indicators of bad governance – the fragmented application of the Rule of Law.

This study contributes to the emerging literature on local self-governance in Kazakhstan by providing one of, if not, the first systematic assessment of how local executive bodies manage communication regarding participatory mechanisms. By providing a data-driven evaluation of local informing practices, it moves beyond theoretical discussions of decentralization and offers an empirical baseline for understanding the implementation of transparency and public informing practices at the sub-national level.