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- Convenor:
-
Tugrul Keskin
(Cappadocia University)
Send message to Convenor
- Chair:
-
Tugrul Keskin
(Cappadocia University)
- Discussants:
-
Tugrul Keskin
(Cappadocia University)
Uli Schamiloglu (Nazarbayev University)
- Location:
- Debate club (Floor 7)
- Sessions:
- Friday 7 June, -
Time zone: Asia/Almaty
Abstract:
Between 1949 and 1991, interactions between China (PRC) and Central Asian nations were limited. After China started to implement economic reforms in 1978, however, the country opened up to the global economy in general and Central Asia in particular. Since the 2000s, the new Chinese economic dynamic, as a result of its economic reforms, has significantly increased China’s footprint in the region. China’s distinct approach has been to secure access to natural resources and new markets while, at the same time, making sure not to get bogged down in conflict with Russia’s regional interests. China’s role has by now become so prominent that it will be increasingly difficult for China to maintain its low-profile role. By analyzing the development of China’s role in the region generally as well as its specific relations with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan, we conclude that China is likely to become a more active player in the region.
Accepted papers:
Session 1 Friday 7 June, 2024, -Abstract:
Strategically, Central Asia serves as a critical buffer against adversaries, notably India, and as a region with minimal U.S. influence, providing China with strategic depth and direct access to vital natural resources. This not only enhances China's energy security but also reduces its reliance on vulnerable sea routes. Additionally, fostering cultural, educational, and sociopolitical ties aims to build mutual trust and shape a favorable perception of China among Central Asian nations. While expanding its influence, China navigates a delicate balance with Russia, acknowledging Central Asia as a traditional Russian sphere of influence. This paper argues that China's current policy toward Central Asia, highlighted by the China-Central Asia Summit, is a multifaceted approach integrating economic, strategic, and diplomatic dimensions, aiming to solidify China's influence in the region. Anchored by the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and supported by a commitment of 26 billion yuan (approximately US$3.8 billion), this strategy underscores China's intent to deepen ties through extensive financial support and infrastructure development. More importantly, the potential for a China-led minilateral security organization, excluding Russia, suggests a strategic move towards establishing a dominant security presence, emphasizing minilateralism for targeted, effective collaboration. This careful diplomacy underscores China's broader geopolitical strategy to establish itself as a pivotal power in Central Asia, leveraging economic investments and strategic partnerships to secure its interests and expand its global footprint.
Abstract:
This article evaluates China's economic projects in Kazakhstan's non-primary sectors, focusing on their role in the country's industrialization and social landscape. Through analysis of industries like agriculture and renewable energy, it assesses alignment with Kazakhstan's development goals since the One Belt, One Road initiative's inception in 2013. Employing desk research and case studies, the study examines the evolution of Sino-Kazakh economic ties and the impact of partnerships on societal dynamics. Interviews with stakeholders illuminate the complexities of cooperation and its influence on Kazakhstan's economic agenda. Findings highlight successful collaborations alongside challenges, offering insights into potential areas for industrial development through strategic engagement with China. By contributing to the discourse on Chinese investments in Kazakhstan, this research informs policy decisions and industry strategies, emphasizing the need for alignment with national interests amidst global economic integration.
Abstract:
In this article, I seek to examine the effect of Chinese liberal economic reforms on the nationalistic sentiment and actions of the Uyghur population, both in Xinjiang and in the rest of the world. The increasing level of openness that the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has experienced since the reforms of Deng Xiaoping has dramatically changed the state and the institutions of power, and major political and economic investments in the Xinjiang region have rekindled grievances dating back decades, giving the struggle a new sense of urgency. In this climate of growing PRC hegemony over Xinjiang, Uyghur nationalists are gaining strength and traction, while their movement is also becoming one of international significance. As contact with the outside world becomes more prominent, influences from abroad are taking root amongst the Uyghurs in Xinjiang, and even Uyghur nationalism itself is transforming into a new entity. We seek to understand exactly how the Uyghur identity has been impacted by these external forces. This new, rapidly changing movement is considered by the PRC to be a threat to the continued stability of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR), but in the long term, it appears that modern Uyghur nationalists, both domestic and abroad, are powerless to significantly change the status quo in the face of the PRC’s massive and growing economic and military clout in the region.
Abstract:
Examining the notion of the state and governance in the Middle East leads to the argument that a prolonged dilemma has become embedded in the region's political culture. Commentators suggest that these states could be considered failed states. Nevertheless, over the past century, there have been several attempts to resolve the crises and propose alternatives to the projects of states and governance in the Middle East. This paper aims to examine three key points. Firstly, it critically analyses the crises in the Middle East, the root causes, and the repercussions of the chaos in the present and future. To achieve this, the paper delves into the past and explores the causes of events to understand the complete picture of the chaos. Secondly, it suggests and contemplates alternatives for the crises by reviewing proposed alternatives implemented in the last century and the resulting changes observed. Thirdly, the paper examines a suggested project a not yet implemented alternative to the dilemma in the Middle East. The paper attempts to scrutinize a newly suggested approach that has been theoretically understudied and less discussed. The discussion about this model has hardly seen the light of mainstream academia, media, and think tank centers. Democratic Confederalism is a project suggested as a solution to the dilemma in the Middle East. Arguably, it is a societal grassroots approach proposed as a realistic alternative to the model of the Nation-State that has been the primary governance model in the region for the last 100 years.