Paper long abstract

Elite theory suggests that a consensus for democracy is most likely to be sustained when there is integration amongst political elites. In Ghana several cases of alleged corruption have been brought by the current government against members of the previous government. Within the Ghanaian media there have also been several allegations of corruption against the current ruling government. This paper will consider whether the issue of corruption is one of the main threats to political elite integration in Ghana.

Paper long abstract

"The struggle against those who plundered our national resources"

The interaction between donors, the Zambian government and an ex-president in uncovering theft from the state during the Chiluba period (1991-2001).

Accusations of theft mounted towards the end of the period in which Frederick T. Chiluba was president of Zambia. Chiluba seemed to have protected against these as he handpicked his successor, Levy Mwanawasa. Mwanawasa narrowly won the 2001 presidential elections. He was however after his victory faced with unexpected developments in parliament. Dipak Patel, a Lusaka MP, was accused in court of slander as he had said publicly that Chiluba was a thief. After the elections, he used parliamentary privilege to consult the London accounts of ZANACO, a state owned bank in order to prove his case. This, in conjunction with donor commissioned accountant's reports led to revelations of theft during the Chiluba period. Mwanawasa turned against his protector and asked parliament to take away Chiluba's immunity from prosecution. The donors funded a task force to recover the stolen assets and prepare court cases against Chiluba and his accomplices. At the end of Mwanawasa's first term of office, there has only been one minor conviction in these cases. The accused deny the charges and are defiant in court. Two of the most important co-accused Xavier Chunga, the ex-security chief and Attan Shansonga, ex-ambassodor in London and Washington have bolted abroad. A Director of Public Prosecutions has been sacked because of subversive contacts with the accused. The taskforce took on also new corruption scandals and made a case against a permanent secretary in health. This was squashed from above and was reopened after dismay by the press and the donor community. Katele Kalumba, ex-minister of finance under Chiluba and one of the co-accused has won a seat on the National Executive Council of the ruling political party. He appears to be a major force in organising the campaign for the re-election of Mwanawasa. Kalumba originates from Luapula province. Chiluba originates as well from there. Kalumba may placate the supporters of Chiluba who are understandably not pleased with the present government.

The donors are frustrated by the turn of events and the French ambassador has made remarks that could be interpreted as intervention in Zambia's internal affairs.

The case demonstrates the limited value of high profile anti corruption trials. They have a cathartic effect on the country, but they will reveal that corruption is a social phenomenon and that does not lend itself to locating evil in one or a few accused.

Paper long abstract

This presentation is a situation analysis on Nigeria's anti-corruption drive. Operations of two sister organizations charged with the fight against corruption are assessed; it was found that opinions are diametrically opposed as to the outcomes of their functions.

On one hand, since 2003 when the second term of the Obasanjo's government began, there has been some signs of seriousness in the anti-corruption drive - two government ministers (Education and Works) have been sacked due to corruption allegations which triggered some form of prosecution; a former police chief was convicted of embezzlement, while a Senate president was forced to resign after the discovery of financial malpractices.

On the other hand, despite these successes, the laws establishing the ICPC and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) is adjudged to give the two organizations limited scope and their operations intentionally skewed to have very limited application thereby protecting some corrupt individuals. This leads to a conclusion that Obasanjo's government is not desirous in its anti-corruption drive, and the partiality with which the two agencies implement their work rather gives room for corruption promotion especially among supporters and cronies.

The extent to which the two commissions can go to sanitize the already corrupt society remains to be seen. The pandemic nature of corruption in Nigeria is recognised and new approaches to tackle the menace of corruption in Nigeria are advocated. These include developing and inserting anti-corruption education in primary and secondary school curricula; exhibition of strong political will to enforce strong codes of ethics in work places in order to reduce malpractices bordering on corruption; and the strengthening of government watch-dog agencies which will identify corruption practices and bring them to public attention.

Paper long abstract

The issues raised here are based on data from four media houses in Uganda. This included 2 print media houses, 1 radio station and 1 television station. The sample had 35 participants;comprising of journalists and editors. The study from which this data is drawn was originally done for the Uganda Media Women's Association (UMWA) in 2004. A mostly qualitative approach was used to collect data, using interviews and focus group discussions.

In Uganda, cases of Corruption are common. It is not unusual to hear government officials make pronouncements after pronouncements about their commitment to fighting corruption and their willingness to work with the media in exposing corrupt entities. It is also undeniable that the media has done a commendable job exposing corruption; however, it must be pointed out that the media also has 'its hands soiled'. Reports indicate that several journalists receive kickbacks to 'squash' stories that would have exposed powerful individuals and organisations. The media is sometimes used for propaganda by government or to tarnish the image of political opponents.

In the 'paupered' world of most African journalists, some people would almost feel sympathetic for journalists who fall prey to these external pressures since they have got to fend for themselves and an often extended family. What is however unforgivable, is the corruption within the media houses themselves. Several times, editors oppress journalists and may demand kickback in cash or kind before a journalist's story is run. This unfortunate scenario means a lot of good articles, including those on corruption are 'spiked' without the public ever getting to hear or read about them. It is to this issue that I take a gender perspective, a focus on the women journalists and how they have to deal with 'corrupt' male editors.

Some critics may want to argue that there are women editors too, but statistics show that as you go higher up managerial levels of different professions, the number of women begins to go down, meaning that most of the 'all- so- powerful' positions of editors are most likely occupied by men and the lower reporter positions by more women journalists. Women have been weeded out of these processes by unfortunate socio - cultural patriarchal practices engrained in the African patriarchal systems.

Some women journalists have hard to compromise sexually to have their stories published. It is indeed a double tragedy for women journalist who have to report on cases of sexual harassment else where yet suffer in silence about their own situations. This paper therefore employs feminist epistemologies to explore the experiences of 30 women journalists and also examine the psychological pain and compromises they have had to deal with in an endeavour to work for the greater good.