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- Convenors:
-
Charis Boutieri
(King's College London)
Sami Everett (University of Southampton)
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- Chair:
-
Erica Weiss
(Tel Aviv University)
- Discussant:
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Dimitrios Theodossopoulos
(University of Kent)
- Format:
- Panel
Short Abstract:
This panel explores political and moral grammars beyond the liberal framework. Interest in this topic was sparked by our observation of 1) resistance to the exclusionary practices of the liberal public sphere 2) alternative efforts to organise the public sphere and political life.
Long Abstract:
The struggle to define the terms of political engagements, to understand what it means to disagree well, or, in the classical formulation, for reasonable people to disagree reasonably, is faced by many societies. What are the communicative conditions and legitimate genres for public deliberation? What are the acceptable political cultures of democracy? How do non-liberal practices of deliberation probe our visions of democratic governance and life?
For decades, the idea of public reason has been hegemonic in Western policy circles. Deriving from a liberal theorizing of the public sphere, largely from the work of John Rawls and Jurgen Habermas, this dominant framework provides a neutral and universal platform for all to participate in the public deliberation. It argues that, in theory, everyone can use public reason. But in practice, many have found that its conditions of participation are exclusionary of different groups on the basis of culture-gender-religion-race-class and more.
Anthropology has contributed greatly to revealing these implicit norms that are often only visible from the perspectives of those whose participation is blocked. In this panel, we turn again to the generative theoretical potential of ethnography to consider alternatives to liberal public reason. We highlight grassroots experimentations in alternative configurations of public rationality and communication. Even if, historically, ideologically diverse non-liberal movements have avoided full participation in a deliberative democratic process, many no longer accept being sidelined. Thus avoidance has given way to creativity; groups or communities are asking how they too may be accommodated in the political process.
Accepted papers:
Paper short abstract:
All publics, liberal or not, have limits. This paper illustrates how community organisers in East London respond to this challenge by staging three incommensurable visions of the public in a fractal relation. It then unpack the implications of this fractal public for political and social theory.
Paper long abstract:
Our understanding of the public is caught within a dilemma. On the one hand, all publics require common grounds for understanding, deliberation and action. On the other hand, all attempts to define such common ground remain marked by what Laclau and Mouffe refer to as constitutive exclusions. Anthropologists have long challenged the limits of liberal publics, but this challenge marks non-liberal publics as well.
This paper traces how community organizers in East London respond to this challenge by placing three incomensurable visions of public life in a fractal relation, where each constitutes and responds to the limits of the others. Community organisers strive to win collective change, develop leaders, and strengthen organizations. I show how each of these goals envisions and enacts a particular vision of public life, resonant with liberal and post-liberal, feminist and post-humanist, and discursive and post-discursive theories of the public, respectively. I illustrate how each vision of the public is both necessary to the practice of organizing while nonetheless presenting crucial limits — and I show how community organisers and leaders strive to address these limits by positioning different visions of the public recursively.
This argument is set out in more detail in my contribution to the 2025 JRAI special issue, linked to this panel. In this paper, I will briefly rehearse this argument, before building on it to further explore the implications of this fractal conception of the public for how we understand political life and social theory more generally.
Paper short abstract:
Public reason, justice and freedom can take up unexpected forms. I consider the genealogy of Brazilian favelas beyond the established tropes of poverty and suffering, indicating that the history of favelas is enmeshed in political experiments with liberation.
Paper long abstract:
Brazilian favelas are often considered as marginalized urban territories that must be better integrated into the nation-state to obtain legitimacy under the “Rule of Law”. This article suggests that the absence of a (normative) liberal apparatus in favelas is not necessarily a political deficiency. Can favela dwellers speak outside (or despite) the current nation-state framework of rationality and liberalism? Can they speak of their own freedoms? Some frameworks insist on representing favela dwellers exclusively as victims of structural violence. In these, the possibility that freedoms and liberties can exist beyond a (normative) liberal framework is often ignored. I consider the genealogy of Brazilian favelas beyond the established tropes of poverty and suffering, indicating that the history of favelas is enmeshed in political experiments with liberation. Ethnographic evidence demonstrates that public reason, justice and freedom can take up unexpected forms in Favela da Rocinha (Rio de Janeiro). The dangers of “romanticizing poverty” and the political effects of re-presenting favela dwellers as political agents of freedom are also considered. I conclude that more than satisfying (normative) liberal sensibilities, we could foster a more “indexical” mode of re-presentation as a collaborative strategy for liberation.
Paper short abstract:
Develops the notion of Peripheral Traditional as an alternative public reason from the fringes of Marseille and in the overlap between North African Jewish and Muslim philosophies of life and help
Paper long abstract:
Through the synagogue-come-community space of St-X in Marseille’s infamous peripheral northern districts, local urban communication and solidarity is generated via self-help initiatives that particularize humanitarianism. Because of their traditionalist Jewish and Muslim religious anchorings and the stranglehold of laïcité over the state and organized religion, post migrant North African life and shared experience in these districts are either coopted into the liberal realm of interfaith by the centre or pushed out as illiberal and dangerous because they live by other grammars of public reason. To analyse this reason and its attendant self-help, I draw on the writings of Maimonides originating from the field i.e. present in the discourse of interlocutors as a Judeoislamic philosophical and praxical touchstone that I have termed peripheral traditionalism.
Paper short abstract:
Can we consider modes of public reasoning based not on dialogue but on co-presence?
Paper long abstract:
In the widely demonized municipality of Ettadhamun, the heavy hand of Zin al Abidine Ben Ali’s police state was partly lifted in 2011 to be replaced by the softer touch of international democracy promotion aid. This aid architecture supported the burgeoning civil society to train Ettadhamun residents in the skill of ‘interpersonal communication’ (tawasul bayna al-afrad) for the purpose of managing social conflict. Yet the members of the only non-religious association in the neighbourhood of Nogra rebut the liberal recommendations of their trainers and carve out a tense neighbourhood co-presence without dialogue with their Salafist neighbours. Counter-intuitively to deliberative theories of democracy, I suggest that in this non-dialogical co-presence inheres a public sphere with social and political possibilities. Neighbourhood residents trade liberal argumentation for dwelling together beyond words, which does not attempt to reform one another and engenders solidarity. The suspension of dialogue reflects a minoritarian articulation of the aftermath of the 2011 revolution as “the reconstitutive phase of the political” (Zemni 2015). This articulation refuses the curated narrative of the postcolonial Tunisian nation and pries open the teleology of liberal democratic transition.
Paper short abstract:
An ethnography of feminized labor in solidarity-based clinics and pharmacies in austerity in Greece highlights the militancy of everyday maintenance in the work of care provision, and the power of politically salient acts that go beyond public reason
Paper long abstract:
Drawing on fieldwork in social solidarity clinics and pharmacies in Greece, this paper centers on citizens' initiatives that emerged to redistribute medicines and healthcare in the context of economic crisis and state austerity. Activists and scholars regularly described these interventions as examples of resistance, creativity, or even revolution, insisting on the overt politicization of solidarity. Such framing emphasized conscious, programmatic action, grounded on an assumed sovereign, liberal—and implicitly masculine—political subject. These accounts, while often effective in communicating organizers' goals in dominant public spheres, often erased the feminized, backstage labor of maintenance and repair that kept solidarity running. I attend to how the practical labor of non-politicized solidarity is constitutive of solidarity worlds and challenges the conceptual reliance of liberalism on autonomy and stance-taking. In doing so, the presentation ask whether public reason is an exclusively semiotic act and considers the public sphere beyond “communicative action”.
Paper short abstract:
This paper compares and contrasts public reasoning about abortion in the US Supreme Court versus the Irish Citizens Assembly.
Paper long abstract:
This paper examines polyvalent uses of the word ‘life’ in debate about abortion in the US versus Ireland. It takes two axiomatically liberal events as its ethnographic site of comparison: the US Supreme Court case Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health, which overturned Roe v. Wade, and the Irish Citizens’ Assembly on the Eighth Amendment of the Constitution, which led to a referendum that legalised abortion. Drawing on the textual and audiovisual artefacts produced by these events, it argues that both cases challenge the Habermasian vision of public reason, especially the expectation that reasons must be translated into a secular register to become universally applicable law. More than this, it argues that neither of these events can be understood as straightforwardly liberal. Rather, in both cases, key decisions are made regarding women’s reproductive autonomy when liberal and non-liberal, secular and religious, forms of reasoning find strategic common ground—however fleeting.
Paper short abstract:
This article considers the attempts of two local initiatives in Israel/Palestine to create alternative methods for the radical inclusion of divergent cosmologies and ontological claims.
Paper long abstract:
Liberal public reason seeks to provide a neutral platform for political engagement. Yet, its conditions, notably the rules of engagement and the demand for consensus, effectively excludes many populations with non-liberal subjectivities from public participation. In Israel-Palestine, the majority of both Jewish and Palestinian populations hold non-liberal subjectivities, and neither side can claim the position of an unmarked public speaking for a generalized, common public good. Yet, the price of non-engagement in the context of acute civic crisis and violent, intractable conflict, is exceedingly high. This article considers the attempts of two local initiatives to create alternative methods for the radical inclusion of divergent cosmologies and ontological claims. The Citizen’s Accord Forum uses relatively mainstream communication techne to engage ultra-Orthodox Jews and Muslims, but the interactions “spill over” beyond the constraints of liberal reason. Siach Shalom upends the rules of communicative ethics of the liberal public sphere, relying on the Hasidic concept of the “unity of opposites”, a paradoxical logic that contains contrasts, as well as a vertical model of social change.
Paper short abstract:
Driven by the assumption that the rising subcultures can be politically powerful models for youth to express their political concerns, this paper further argues that there is an unprecedented shift towards rhetoric styles to voice up new public needs among third-world youth
Paper long abstract:
Youth engagement has recently adopted an established model of contemporary mobilization in unveiling modes of rhetoric styles. This tends to boost young people’s empowerment, serving as a new forum for today's socialization and highlighting a discursive turn in producing (sub)cultures. In most African states, youths seek to assert their voices through hybrid and grassroots platforms, which enables them to socially address their cruxes while also wielding influence as agents of change to shape a just and equitable future for global development. This deconstructive act aims to decenter the tradition of the accepted paradigm, giving young individuals in the global south multiple platforms to voice up about new matters in public and also a chance to hold state actors accountable for their promises concerning issues involving larger power structures and public concern. This also seeks to restore social justice and dismantle hegemonic frameworks about young women by empowering them to demand more significant involvement in decision-making processes. This paper investigates how youth political activism in the global south confirms and challenges other nuances by unwriting the emphasis on the new media as a facilitator of social activism and hinting at the existing spaces of formal and informal youth engagement. As an attempt to discuss the interplay of new media, culture, politics, and youth, the paper is theoretically guided by global and local research to critically review the existing literature to show how the constant challenges and pressure of technological innovation and globalism are putting on many “southern” countries’ democratic conditions.